Once a fierce critic of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), former Foreign Minister Dr Hasan Mahmud now finds himself in an unexpected role. The Awami League (AL) politician, who is currently in London, recently sang praises for the BNP—or, as some may put it, he tried "wooing" his once-despised rival. After 15-plus years of relentless criticism and jabs aimed at the BNP, Hasan's sudden pivot, following the ouster of his government through the July uprising, has left political analysts and laypeople scratching their heads. A tale as twisted as a Dickensian plot, his evolution from BNP's heckler to a begrudging admirer is nothing short of literary satire.

Let's rewind to a simpler time: the era of Mahmud's full-throated attacks on the BNP, almost as consistent as the sunrise, and twice as intense. He labelled BNP as a "party of parasites" and often credited them with conjuring chaos as easily as Shakespeare's Iago wove schemes in Othello. BNP leaders, according to him, were architects of anarchy, always "misleading the masses" and "haunted by the 'Tarique-ghost,'" referring to the party's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman. His words were chosen with such precision and relish, it was as if he had plucked them from Dante's Inferno, casting BNP leaders into circles of political damnation.

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Bread before ballots and rice before reforms

One could almost hear his booming voice, drenched in theatrical scorn, recounting BNP's supposed failure to win the people's favour as he proudly paraded AL's achievements with an air of unearned grandeur. "The BNP presented a fake adviser to Joe Biden," he would proclaim with mock indignation, using his platform like a mediaeval troubadour, weaving tales of his rivals' bumbling with all the flair of a Marlowe villain.

With the authoritarian AL regime suddenly overthrown, Mahmud went from denouncing BNP's every move to extolling the virtues of "restoring democracy," a concept he had once wielded as a cudgel to suppress dissent. His rhetoric, once thick with sarcasm and scorn, now drips with the honeyed appeal of a suitor attempting to rekindle an old flame—except, of course, that the "old flame" is the very party he tried to extinguish.

Now, as if reliving Romeo and Juliet, he calls for "working together" with the BNP for the "greater good" of Bangladesh. In an ironic twist, Mahmud has become something of a Capulet seeking Montague's embrace, promising a collaborative future he once vehemently rejected. Some critics have taken to calling this performance "The Tragedy of Dr Hasan," a farce in which a once-proud antagonist now plays the role of political supplicant.

It was not long ago that Mahmud championed AL's "unassailable" record of peace and prosperity. He proclaimed with the conviction of an orator from ancient Greece that his party had brought unprecedented development to the country. He scoffed at BNP's concerns for democratic reforms, dismissing them as desperate ploys of a "party that cannot survive without scandal." He scoffed at BNP's advocacy for free and fair elections, dismissing it as an "elaborate hypocrisy." And yet, here he stands now, as humbled as King Lear on the stormy heath, calling for the very reforms he once deemed folly.

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A moment of truth for BNP

At a recent event—his first appearance after weeks of silence post-uprising—Mahmud appeared almost repentant, though it was clear that old habits die hard. Attempting a dignified pivot, he assured his audience that he was "always an advocate for democratic values." The line was delivered with the sincerity of a character in a Restoration comedy, and the audience responded with what could only be described as a collective gasp of incredulity.

A keen observer might draw comparisons to Chaucer's Pardoner, a man who sells indulgences with a face so earnest that one could almost forget his dubious dealings. Much like the Pardoner, his newfound alignment with BNP's calls for transparency and electoral fairness reeks of opportunism dressed as redemption. "I agree with the BNP on many issues," he declared in a voice as smooth as an actor's monologue, his words carefully rehearsed for maximum effect.

Mahmud has gone beyond mere agreement; he now echoes BNP's proposals as if they were his own, including the idea of a bicameral parliament. With a straight face, he praised BNP's acting chairman for "championing the cause of intellectual inclusion," seemingly oblivious to his own years-long campaign against him and the BNP. In a feat of cognitive dissonance that would make Orwell proud, Mahmud now promotes Tarique's vision for governance reform, a cause he had once called "antithetical to Bangladesh's stability."

One might wonder, is this newfound admiration genuine, or merely a last-ditch attempt to salvage his relevance in the present scenario? Perhaps he sees himself as a transformed man, like Scrooge on Christmas morning, proclaiming his repentance to an unsuspecting world. Yet, unlike Scrooge, Mahmud lacks the charm of a man humbled by self-awareness; instead, he projects the aura of a politician whose convictions change as easily as the tides.

This metamorphosis, this shedding of old skin for a new one, is almost too convenient to believe. Just as Shakespeare's Polonius is quick to switch allegiances to remain in favour with the court, Mahmud's chameleon-like shift seems less an act of principle and more a strategy of survival. The difference, however, is that Polonius's fickleness ultimately led to his downfall—a cautionary tale that Mahmud might do well to heed.

In his newfound role as BNP's begrudging ally, Mahmud's journey resembles that of a character from Molière—perhaps Tartuffe, the unctuous hypocrite who feigns virtue to gain favour. If history is any guide, his overtures will likely be met with the same distrust and ridicule as Tartuffe's grand gestures. After all, in the court of public opinion, where actions speak louder than words, Mahmud's record as AL's attack dog cannot be erased with a few conciliatory statements.

As we watch this spectacle unfold, one cannot help but see the humour in Mahmud's plight. Here is a man who spent over a decade railing against BNP's every move, only to find himself on the other side of the table, professing solidarity with those he once derided. It is a tale worthy of satire, a drama of contradictions played out on the national stage. Perhaps the moral of Mahmud's story is one he himself might struggle to accept: that in politics, as in literature, irony has a way of catching up with those who least expect it.

HM Nazmul Alam is lecturer at the Department of English and Modern Languages in the International University of Business, Agriculture and Technology (IUBAT). He can be reached at nazmulalam.rijohn@gmail.com.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

The Awami League yesterday decided not to field party candidates in any local government polls as a measure to stop infighting between AL leaders.

The infighting worsened after the party decided to nominate candidates in the recently held national election and allowed their party colleagues to compete against them.

The new decision will be effective in the polls to Cumilla and Mymensingh city corporations, which are slated for March 9, said sources.

No candidates will get the party symbol "boat". 

The decision was made at an emergency meeting of AL Central Working Committee, the highest decision-making body of the party, at the Gono Bhaban. AL President Sheikh Hasina chaired the meeting.

The ruling party convened the meeting to discuss the way out of the intra-party feuds.

As the BNP and some other parties boycotted the polls, the party adopted a strategy to make the election appear participatory and to increase turnout. This ultimately led to violence between AL leaders in many places.

According to insiders, at the beginning of the meeting, Hasina asked party leaders to come up their recommendations on how to minimise the infighting and party's role in upcoming elections to upazila parishads, which will be held in phases. The polls are likely to begin in March.

AL Joint General Secretary AFM Bahauddin Nasim started first with his proposal for not providing party electoral symbol in local government elections.

He also recommended holding extended meetings in the districts where AL's internal feuds are intense and said the party should take all-out measures so that the infighting does not intensify further, said sources.

Almost all other party leaders echoed Nasim.

Some of them also suggested that the government take stern action against the arsonists to stop the recurrence of arson attacks, said sources.

At the one stage of the meeting, Hasina, also the prime minister, brought up the US presidential election and said the presidential election between George W Bush and Al Gore was questionable, said meeting insiders.

She said Donald Trump also did not recognise Joe Biden's victory.

Those who are preaching good elections to Bangladesh are mum on the issues of the US presidential election, Hasina said, according to meeting sources.

At the end of the meeting, AL chief Hasina decided to take "boat" out of the local government polls.

The AL started fielding candidates for the local body polls with its electoral symbol "boat" from 2015 after five laws related to union parishads, upazila parishads, municipalities and city corporations were amended, allowing party-backed candidates in local government bodies.

The meeting also assigned eight divisional committees to meet the leaders of the districts where there are intra-party feuds. It also decided to hold extended meetings there to resolve the problem.

While briefing reporters about the outcome of the meeting, AL General Secretary Obaidul Quader said the party would not allocate "boat" to any candidates in upazila parishad elections.

He, however, said the final decision would be made at a joint meeting of party's local government and parliamentary nomination boards.

August 5 was a historic day for Bangladesh for more reasons than one. The Awami League (AL), the party whose cause was a cornerstone in Bangladesh's history, was ousted by the masses.

Since independence, political turmoil has been part of narratives closely related to Bangladesh. One of the factors which worked in the AL's favour, from the time the party assumed responsibility in 2009, was that it was regarded as the most progressive and liberal party to have gained power following liberation. At that point in time, AL's values struck a chord with the secular middle-class Bangladeshi. The preceding regimes association with elements such as the military, fundamentalism, and state-centric politics aided in this regard.

Fast forward to 2024, and one finds that the AL-led 14-party alliance's rule is being labelled "fascist."

The AL regime has been somewhat of a conundrum. The Perspective Plan of Bangladesh 2041 (PP 2041), which was published in 2020, envisioned to build on economic advancements and enhance the lives of people. The AL accommodated more public-private partnerships within the media world than any other party before and oversaw the widespread introductions of leading social media websites such as Facebook, YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram. Indeed, the regime looked outwards and allowed creative media productions to be released, which did not always comply with the more conservative National Broadcast Policy of 2014. Accordingly, the party is largely responsible for digitalising a new generation of Bangladeshis, many of whom have smartphones and global aspirations today and took to the streets during the recent protests. Student coordinators such as Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud are surely part of that generation and are, in fact, products of "Digital Bangladesh."

"Digital Bangladesh" was a pillar that supported the party's return to the centre in 2009 and represented its defiance of right-wing politics. AL's reformist approaches resonated with the masses in the context of globalisation and the interrelatedness of international networks in the 21st century. Their alliance with left-wing parties enabled the AL to stay in power and inspire many in the country. But, as it has transpired, the 14-party alliance seems to have paved the way for more dreams than stairs to reach those ambitions.

The recent movement portrayed the angst and frustration of the people from various sectors in Bangladesh, including journalism. The protests that began in the first week of July should be credited for capturing on-the-ground reactions. The mass killings, detentions, disappearances and violence against unarmed protestors that took place during this movement truly called into question the ethos of AL's political mandate. Over 400 people have lost their lives during the quota reform movement between July 16 and August 4, with some claiming that the number may well be understated. It has also been put forward that hospital records have been tampered with and bodies hidden, further putting into question just how many people have sacrificed their lives to bring an end to AL's rule.

Students have always been integral to the political narrative of Bangladesh. The fall of the Ershad regime was not brought about only by workers, but students as well, who endeavoured to take the nation forward on the path of democracy. Students again played their part in 2008 and 2013, when the Shahbagh Protests signalled their support for secular and not communal politics. In 2024, students took a stance once against the fascist practices of the Awami regime.

The tragic reality is that the AL committed to preserving democracy in the country, but backed the said promise by fascist means. The quota reform movement, which eventually led to the AL government's end, stemmed from opposition to fascist practices which often granted AL supporters, activists, and leaders the license to terrorise communities around the country. Throughout its rule, the former ruling party publicly branded opposition parties, such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and its allies as being fundamentalist and in conflict with the progressive agenda of the party.

While AL's statement may well be true when considering the realities of grassroots politics and the history of BNP and its allies, the Awami League's ideology also correlated with its globalist persuasions. The AL attained success in this sphere and was able to, for a period since 2009, be the flagbearer of the identity of the modern Bangladeshi. But, at present the premise of AL is being questioned and it remains to be seen how that plays out.

In essence, what the masses including the youths of Bangladesh have conveyed through this movement is that they are averse to right-wing politics in general, and both AL and BNP are considered part of that category today. This is very important to consider as we eventually transition to political-administrative rule again. Only time will tell whether progressive politics really do see the light of day in Bangladesh and who will be the leading stakeholders of the future. Meanwhile, the appointment of Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus as the chief of the interim government seems to be a step in the right direction.        

Nihad Nowsher works in business development.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Vladimir Lenin, after all, was right. Sometimes, there are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen. Glory to the martyrs and vanguards of Bangladesh who made it to a possible democracy once more!

In Bangladesh, August is apparently a month when decades happen. Karl Marx famously said, "History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce." If the fall of the BAKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) regime in August 1975 was a tragedy, the boisterous exit of the regime this August is a repetition, this time as a farce. The free fall of the regime is a relief for many; however, there are also darker clouds around in the horizon.

The odds are no less apparent. One of these concerns India, the nation-state's largest neighbour. The facts around the number one superpower, the US, are another concern. But I can't deal with the second topic in this space. Let me rather stay with only India today.

To some, the events of July-August, for all their valour and glory may tell the same old story. But it is not exactly a void in which they disgorge.

Read more

Hasina falls, flees

The coup d'état of 1975 was organised clandestinely. It was a civilian-military combined effort. There is good evidence that it was sustained by a Western power. The current conjuncture seems to involve a broad coalition of radical forces led by university students, sustained by the support of a cross-section of civil society, political parties and the so-called international community. The fallout now is more uncertain than ever, at least compared to what it was a half century earlier.

The Awami League regime in 1975 under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had gone berserk with its one nation one leader "mantra". In 2024, the daughter's regime only went wilder with its sheer ruthlessness. History repeated itself.

It is perhaps too early to say what awaits us even in the not-too-distant future. A doubt pops up, nevertheless. What is the nature of the August 5 revolution? Is it a popular revolution like the French Revolution flying the banner of equality, human dignity, and social justice? Or is it to prove a coup d'etat of sorts, an 18th Brumaire of civil society, midwifed by the "international community", tailored by the armed forces? How different is it going to be from the events of January 11, 2007, events welcomed by the country's biggest neighbour, India? We hardly learn from history. That seems to be the only takeaway from history's department stores.

One does not choose from an empty set. Not a neighbour, at any rate. Nations act, as everyone knows, not as philanthropists or cynics but in their own best interest. Did Bangladesh's inevitable neighbour follow even a rule of its own best interest in underscoring the dynastic autocracy in Bangladesh? Was that the best option it had had? Will it learn a lesson, in all candour, this turnaround? These are questions best left to political pundits in India and beyond.

For us, citizens and denizens of Bangladesh, it is more of a single-payer option. India's unabashed selfishness in promoting a regime that clearly violated all rules of liberal democracy proves highly short-sighted, more now than ever.

What alternatives did India have to choose from is not apparent, or not well-known in any case. But it may even be non-transparent. In 1975, India blatantly ignored its lower riparian neighbour in claiming the Ganga-Padma as a virtually all-India domestic watercourse. That it is an international river, it apparently forgot then. India's stance on other watercourses changed little since then. The waters of the Teesta and many other common international rivers don't flow quietly anymore.

Border killings on a rhythmic scale are not simply a mystic symbol of India's political muscle but of its myopic nature. It is a bizarre thing: "India's Bangladesh Problem," as one pundit called it. Termites, they call their unhandsome neighbours.

India's China obsession, at least ever since her war with China in 1962, could have misled it to its Bangladesh policy. But a people who didn't put up with Pakistan's proto-colonial repressive regime of two and a half decades can hardly be expected (let alone taken for granted) to welcome such a proverbial "subsidiary alliance" as India desires to perpetrate on Bangladesh.

The latest regime change in the wake of a popular mass uprising should provide an occasion to rethink future relations between the two sovereign neighbours in South Asia, adorned by the common historical legacy of many centuries.

The immiseration of one neighbour for the benefit of the other can only be sustained by such regimes as the just fallen one in Bangladesh. India is a habitat, nay a breeding ground, of proverbial wise men. I am sure they will not be deluded by dreams of "Akhand Hindustan". That simply will not work.

The regime change of August 2024 may also provide an occasion to reflect on the question of national identity, a question the think tanks of national security (or regional imperialism if you like) can only ignore at their own peril.

Let history not repeat a second tragedy. The regime change in Dhaka, apparently, will enjoy the blessings of the "international community". But it is unlikely to work well if India does not think today what forces of circumstances will force it to think tomorrow.

India's best interest may perhaps lie in strengthening a new democracy in Bangladesh. At any rate, not obstructing democratic aspirations of a new generation in its eastward neighbourhood is the key point.

Dr Salimullah Khan is professor of general education at the University of Liberal Arts.

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The fate of at least 18 cabinet members hangs in the balance as they are facing strong challenges from "Awami League independents" in tomorrow's polls.

Around 70 "AL independents" have a higher chance of victory than their party-nominated candidates while over 40 incumbents, who have the party ticket, are neck and neck in their races with their AL rivals.

AL-nominated candidates might get an easy run in around 110 constituencies as there were no strong independents there.

The Daily Star got these impressions after talking to several AL leaders who are involved in the party campaign.

Among the ministers, Education Minister Dipu Moni is facing a tough challenge from AL independent and former MP Shamsul Haque Bhuiyan in Chandpur-3. AL independent Khalequzzaman Tota is seriously testing Food Minister Sadhan Chandra Majumder in Naogaon-1.

Social Welfare Minister Nuruzzaman Ahmed is trying to beat popular AL independent and AL Senior Vice-President of Lalmonirhat Sirajul Haque in Lalmonirhat-2, while Fisheries and Livestock Minister SM Rezaul Karim has a stiff challenge from former MP and district AL President AKMA Abdul Awal in Pirojpur-1.

Two ministers from Gazipur-1 and Gazipur-2 -- Liberation War Affairs Minister AKM Mozammel Haque and State Minister for Youth and Sports Zahid Ahsan Russel -- are in the crosshairs of Kaliakair upazila AL General Secretary Rezaul Karim and former vice president of Gazipur city AL Kazi Alim Uddin.

"AL independent" and immediate past Monohardi upazila parishad chairman Saiful Islam Hiru is getting voters' support more than his party nominee Industries Minister Nurul Majid Mahmud Humayun in Narsingdi-4, according to the AL leaders involved in the campaign.

Textile and Jute Minister Gazi Golam Dastagir is facing a strong campaign from party colleague and Rupganj AL General Secretary Shahajahan Bhuiyan in Narayanganj-1.

Voters have a more favourable opinion about independent and Jubo League leader Syed Sayedul Haque Suman than State Minister for Civil Aviation and Tourism Mahbub Ali in Habiganj-4 while AL independent and former Singra upazila chairman Shafiqul Islam Shafiq is giving State Minister for Posts and Telecommunications Zunaid Ahmed Palak a run for his money in Natore-3.

State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shahriar Alam is lagging behind in his race against party independent and former general secretary of Charghat upazila AL Rahenul Haque in Rajshahi-6, according to the AL insiders.

State Minister for Social Welfare Ashraf Ali Khan Khasru has a tough challenge from AL independent and former deputy minister Arif Khan Joy in Netrokona-2.

State Minister for Public Administration Farhad Hossain is neck and neck with party independent and former Meherpur district AL president Abdul Mannan in the race for Meherpur-1, while State Minister for Disaster Management and Relief Enamur Rahman will find it difficult to beat two "AL independents" -- former MP Towhid Jung Murad and Ashulia thana unit AL General Secretary Saiful Islam in Dhaka-19.

It will be tough for State Minister for Religious Affairs Faridul Haque Khan to defeat "AL independent" and district AL leader Shahinur Rahman Shahin in Jamalpur-2.

Deputy Speaker Shamsul Haque Tuku is in tight spot as AL independent and former minister Abu Sayeed is quite popular in Pabna-1.

Deputy Minister for Environment, Forest and Climate Change Habibun Nahar is facing a challenge from party colleague Idris Ali in Bagerhat-3 while AL independent Khaled Shawkat Ali is giving Deputy Minister for Water Resources AKM Enamul Haque Shamim a tough time in Shariatpur-2.

On the other hand, AL praesidium member and AL election steering committee co-chairman Kazi Zafarullah is lagging behind party independent Nixon Chowdhury in Faridpur-4, while party praesidium member Abdur Rahman will have to deal with the strong challenge from former BNP leader and newly registered Bangladesh Nationalist Movement (BNM) acting chairman Shah Mohammad Abu Zafar in Faridpur-1.

AL Liberation War Affairs Secretary Mrinal Kanti Das is neck and neck with party independent and immediate past Munshiganj municipality mayor Mohammad Faisal in Munshiganj-3, while AL Cultural Affairs Secretary Ashim Kumar Ukil is facing a tough challenge from party independent and former lawmaker Iftiquar Uddin Talukder Pintu in Netrokona-3.

It will be hard for AL Organising Secretary Ahmod Hossain to beat "AL independent" Anwar Hossain in Netrokona-5.

Apart from AL and AL independent candidates, several candidates from Trinamool BNP, Kalyan Party, Jatiyo Party (who are loyal to Raushan Ershad), the BNM and former BNP leaders could win.

According to AL sources, they are Krishak Sramik Janata League leader Kader Siddiqui in Tangail-8, and independent and former AL leader Latif Siddiqui in Tangail-4, and independent and president of a social organisation named Anjumane Al Islah Husamuddin Chowdhury in Sylhet-5, Trinamool BNP Chairperson and former BNP vice-chairman Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury in Sylhet-6, expelled Kalyan Party chairman Major Gen (retd) Syed Mohammad Ibrahim from Cox's Bazar-1, former BNP leader Mohammad Shokrana in Bogura-1, ex-BNP leader Ziaul Haque Mollah in Bogura-4, Sarkar Badol in Bogura-6, former BNP leader Syed Eakramuzzaman in Brahmanbaria-2, former BNP leader Major (retd) Akhtaruzzaman in Kishoreganj-2, BNM acting chairman and former BNP leader Shah Mohammad Abu Zafar in Faridpur-1, three pro-Raushan JP leaders Rustum Ali Faraji in Pirojpur-3, Mashiur Rahaman Ranga in Rangpur-1, and Ziaul Haque Mridha in Brahmanbaria-2.