Activists of Awami League today allegedly set fire to a house and a poultry farm and vandalised at least two houses of BNP supporters at Shibganj upazila of Chapainawabganj district.
AL men went to Boro Chak area around 11:30am and vandalised two to three houses and also set fire to the house of Jewel and poultry farm of Aminul Islam, our Chapainawabganj correspondent reports quoting officer-in-charge of Shibganj Police Station.
Locals brought the flame under control before fire-fighting units could reach the spot, the correspondent said.
However, Sarwar Jahan Sentu, BNP office secretary of Shibganj upazila unit, claimed that a group of AL vandalised four houses of local BNP supporters.
No one was injured in the incident.
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Firstly, I find it impossible to call what's happening on January 7 an election in any way. People already know who will occupy government positions, who will sit in opposition, and even who will win which seats. An election without uncertainty, where people lack the power to determine their representatives through voting, is a mere facade of an election.
Secondly, the voters do not have any real choice. Whether you pick candidates from Awami League, independent candidates (who are really representing AL in disguise), AL ally Jatiya Party, or candidates from any of AL's partner factions, it all leads to the same outcome: an Awami League dominance. Without options for voter representation, the January 7 event cannot be termed an election.
Thirdly, the escalating violence leading up to election day within Awami League factions in about every constituency paints a terrifying picture. I wonder, if this trend of violence continues, whether the drama staged to take place on the 7th will even be possible to conduct.
We already know that only a small group of experts will observe the election and that most major countries will not send their observers. International media outlets have already labelled this election as a "one-woman show" and a "one-horse electoral race."
Considering everything, I see no reason to call this an election. It's a pre-written affair, and the public will bear the brunt of its outcome. Bangladesh's economic crisis will worsen, and the suffering we are already enduring will only be amplified in the future.
Rumeen Farhana is barrister-at-law and former whip of Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi today said that if someone, who has not committed any crimes, leads Awami League, then why can't the party take part in politics?
He came up with the remark at an Eid gift distribution event for the underprivileged in Dakshinkhan, Dhaka, where he was the chief guest.
He said, "If someone leads the Awami League without committing crimes, without being involved in student killings, without embezzling or laundering money—then why can't the Awami League participate in politics?"
"If swift justice is ensured, criminals are prosecuted, and the people then allow them to engage in politics, we have nothing to say," he said today.
"But those who have laundered money, those responsible for the killings of children and teenagers like Ahnaf, Abu Saeed, and Mugdho—justice must be served. Why don't we seek justice for the workers, rickshaw pullers, and students who have been killed?"
Rizvi accused Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, of deceiving the people.
"They have betrayed the people twice. First, her father shut down all political parties and imposed BAKSAL. Then, his daughter has created an even more terrifying version of BAKSAL—where those speaking against Sheikh Hasina, their places were in prison. This is what her rule has become."
"Therefore, that rule can not return. By ensuring that, democracy will secure everyone's place, everyone's right to do politics—that right will be ensured through democratic processes and practices."
People are debating whether Awami League should be allowed to do politics, but they are not questioning whether those responsible for mass killings should be held accountable, he added.
"People saw who carried out these atrocities. Which police OC, DC, or AC played a role in it? Under whose orders did these bloodbaths occur? Which Awami League leaders gave the instructions to spill blood?"
He then questioned Sheikh Hasina's integrity, "I even doubt whether Sheikh Hasina believes in Allah. Her only god is money. And someone who worships money can never serve the people."
Her relatives, her chosen individuals, and certain businessmen are involved in money laundering. They must be brought to trial, he added.
"Those who have destroyed the country's institutions, sold out its independence, and killed children, workers, and rickshaw pullers to cling to power—they must be brought to trial."
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There is currently a huge Awami League-shaped hole in Bangladesh's electoral politics, so BNP trying to dive headlong into it comes as no surprise. Since Sheikh Hasina's fall on August 5, BNP has had to navigate a delicate tightrope—balancing its ambition to return to power with the pressure to support popular demands for state reforms. The party doesn't want to risk the ire of the very students that ousted its arch-rival, potentially putting it in pole position to win the next election. But reforms take time, something it doesn't have plenty of after nearly two decades of wait. And the grassroots are getting impatient.
"Impatient" is perhaps an understatement for what has unfolded over the past month and a half. A more fitting description would be a chaotic transformation of a party getting used to having things its way. As BNP-affiliated leaders, activists, and professional groups scramble to fill the void left by Awami League, we are getting an early preview of the making of another regime—and it's nothing short of disturbing.
For example, since August 5, at least 14 BNP members have lost their lives, eight of them in factional clashes. The most recent murder occurred on Friday in Chattogram's Changaon area, where a Jatiyatabadi Jubo Dal activist was fatally stabbed during a clash between rival factions. On the same day, heavy clashes between two BNP-linked groups in Chandpur left at least 30 people injured. On Sunday, a similar clash in Narayanganj left at least 12 injured, followed by another in Kushtia two days later, injuring 10 more. These violent power struggles, often revolving around the control of extortion rackets, have become disturbingly common. In that, the BNP grassroots seem to be re-enacting scenes from Awami League's time in power which, too, was plagued by factional infighting, with over 150 of its leaders and activists killed in mostly turf wars since the 2018 election.
Over the past weeks, reports have also emerged of BNP leaders and activists taking over slums, footpaths, transport hubs, extortion rackets across various markets and informal businesses, and even former Awami League offices. Meanwhile, in the civil service, there have been allegations against BNP-affiliated groups trying to influence promotions, placements, public contracts, etc.
Officially, the party is against such practices. Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman, recently warned that BNP will not tolerate any reckless actions by "misguided" individuals that could harm "the trust and love" it has earned through "years of struggle, sacrifice, and perseverance." He urged party members to "identify and resist" those tarnishing BNP's image, emphasising its commitment to not only expelling such individuals but also taking "legal action" against them.
These warnings coupled with occasional disciplinary measures, however, have proven insufficient to deter errant party supporters, which suggests two things: either those were not strict or convincing enough, or the party is not trying hard enough. Both scenarios are likely in an environment of patronage politics that has long been the mainstay of our political culture. This system of patronage begins at grassroots with the capture of extortion rackets or other undue benefits by political thugs, and culminates with systemic regulatory capture by vested interest groups, all of which serves as an incentive for them to keep working for a party. Barring exceptions, the prospect or promise of mutual gain largely governs the relationship between major parties and their supporters.
BNP, for all its pro-reform posturing in the aid of the interim government, has yet to demonstrate a real willingness to dismantle this corrupt system. While, to be fair, it has shown some signs of remaking itself as a party with a more open political ethos, the revolutionary times that we are living through demand much more.
Ironically, Awami League's ouster through a bloody uprising has stripped BNP of two key advantages that it could have used in an election campaign: anti-incumbency bias, and public sympathy for the repression it had endured. In an alternate reality where those factors still mattered, BNP could have expected Gen Z—with no lived memory of its 2001-06 rule—to support it unquestioningly, and older generations to accept it as the lesser of two evils. The problem is, the new generation has shown a political maturity beyond their years, and to win them over, BNP now must offer something genuinely new.
Ironically, Awami League's ouster through a bloody uprising has stripped BNP of two key advantages that it could have used in an election campaign: anti-incumbency bias, and public sympathy for the repression it had endured. In an alternate reality where those factors still mattered, BNP could have expected Gen Z—with no lived memory of its 2001-06 rule—to support it unquestioningly, and older generations to accept it as the lesser of two evils. The problem is, the new generation has shown a political maturity beyond their years, and to win them over, BNP now must offer something genuinely new.
So far, it has been giving mixed signals. On the one hand, it acknowledged that repeating Awami League's mistakes could lead to the same fate for itself, stressing the importance of understanding the shift in people's mind-sets. On the other hand, it continues to call for elections as soon as possible. Its rhetoric surrounding the student-led mass movement, trying to co-opt it as its own, and its suggestion that long-term reforms should be left to an elected government also reveal glaring contradictions. Perhaps the army chief's recent statement—in which he vowed to back the interim government "come what may" to possibly ensure elections within the next 18 months—will prompt BNP to reassess its approach. While expecting an election roadmap is not unreasonable, it must lift its sights beyond its ambition and bring the reform drive to its own doorsteps.
At 46, BNP is in need of renewal, and the sooner it realises this, the better. As the largest party in the country now, it has a responsibility not just to its leaders and activists but to the entire political landscape. To truly demonstrate that it remains in tune with the spirit of the mass uprising, BNP needs to lead by example and undertake the following initiatives.
First, it must help dismantle the patronage system by making it clear to party leaders and supporters that BNP politics will henceforth offer no undeserved benefits, and anyone using its name for such purposes will be met with swift punishment. Second, it should ask its loyalist groups within the civil service to stop influencing decisions, or risk being blacklisted. Third, it should establish a democratic, secular, and gender-inclusive party structure, and have a high-powered committee constantly check erosion of these values in party activities. Fourth, it should bring clarity on its finances by making the names of its donors public and conducting internal audits of assets held by party leaders. Fifth, it should control its grassroots leaders and activists, preventing infighting and any criminality through strict enforcement of disciplinary measures.
Sixth, it should comply with the Representation of the People Order (RPO) clause that prohibits political parties from having affiliated student or teacher organisations. Over the years, political parties, including BNP, have bypassed this law on mere technicalities, passing their student wings off as "brotherly" or "associate" organisations, thus enabling crimes and hegemonic practices that led not only to a deep distrust of student politics but also unimaginable sufferings.
There can be many other reforms that are necessary. What BNP can do to remake itself in line with the spirit of the mass uprising can be the topic of a discussion that the party should itself encourage for its own benefit.
Just before the January 7, 2024 election, I wrote an article titled "Can BNP survive the pre-election meltdown?" amid heavy crackdowns by Awami League. I guess the question now is, can BNP fulfil the post-uprising expectations? After all, if political parties do not break free from their long-entrenched monopolistic and authoritarian attitudes, changing the constitution and implementing other state reforms cannot prevent future regimes from turning dictatorial again. BNP has a historic responsibility in this regard.
Badiuzzaman Bay is an assistant editor at The Daily Star.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
After a period of uncertainty, actress Jyotika Jyoti has officially been relieved of her position at the Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy. She had been serving as the director of the Research and Publication Department on a contractual basis, a role she was appointed to during the former government's tenure.
However, the interim administration decided to terminate her contract early, formalised in a notification issued by the Ministry of Public Administration. The announcement, signed by Senior Assistant Secretary Nilufar Yasmin, was made public on September 30.
The notice also ended the contracts of four other directors appointed under similar terms.
Photo: Collected
In response, Jyotika Jyoti expressed mixed emotions—relief, coupled with a subtle acknowledgment of the abrupt end to her tenure. "This notification officially ends my first experience in a government role. Although my contract was still valid, the interim government has decided to release me from my position. As of today, October 1, I am no longer the director of the Research and Publication Department at Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy," she said.
Jyoti advised writers, researchers, and publishers who worked with her to contact the Research and Publication Department directly for ongoing projects or future correspondence. She also expressed gratitude, saying, "I am thankful to everyone who contributed to my growth during this one-and-a-half-year journey."
The actress had been appointed to the role on a two-year contractual basis, starting on March 13, 2023. Following political upheaval on August 5, she was unable to attend her office. On September 17, after Syed Jamil Ahmed was announced as the new director general of Shilpakala Academy, Jyoti briefly visited her workplace but was met with hostility from some officials and employees, leading her to leave shortly afterward.
Beyond her acting career, Jyotika Jyoti has founded a production company and an agricultural product marketing firm. She had also previously sought a nomination from the former ruling party, Awami League, to run for a parliamentary seat from Gauripur.
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The United Nations Human Rights Office has published the long-awaited fact-finding report on the crimes and abuses committed by the Awami League government during the July-August uprising. How will this report impact the Awami League's politics? What lies ahead for the party?
Find out more with Tanim Ahmed in today's Star Explanations.
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