BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia’s adviser Inam Ahmed Chowdhury, who was nomination seeker of the opposition party from Sylhet-1, officially joined the ruling Awami League today.

He formally joined the ruling party after offering bouquet of flower to AL President and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at her official residence Gono Bhaban this evening.

A member of prime minister's press wing confirmed the development to The Daily Star.

A historic leader, no matter how great or powerful, needs to be discussed, debated, and learnt from—not blindly followed. That goes for Bangabandhu, too. Until recently, saying this out loud would have been tantamount to sacrilege in an environment of total adulation cultivated over the past 15 years. But the sheer, unadulterated disregard shown for the chief architect of our independence soon after the Awami regime's collapse has upended all calculations. Perhaps equally telling has been the relative lack of surprise or even sympathy, at least of the kind you would have expected. All this calls for a re-evaluation of Bangabandhu's legacy in this new era of revolution.

An argument can be made about how much of the anger directed at Bangabandhu's statues and murals on August 5 was really aimed at the man himself. Indeed, during the mayhem that followed Sheikh Hasina's escape, many other monuments and landmarks of historical significance were also attacked. Even the parliament building, Ganabhaban, and the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) were not spared, as mobs swarmed and vandalised them, many making off with furniture, bedding, potted plants, etc.

How has a man who deserves the highest honour for his role in our independence struggle come to be treated with such disrespect? PHOTO: COLLECTED

However, if there was a common target in this outburst of raw emotion, it was the key symbols of power—and what better symbol of it than the personality that Awami League had so unabashedly exploited to assert its supremacy? Many of the estimated 1,220 statues and murals it had erected of him across the country were damaged or pulled down. The historic Mujibnagar Memorial Complex in Meherpur, where he stood tall among other sculpted heroes of the Liberation War, lies in ruins. Even his residence-turned-museum in Dhanmondi was looted and burnt down. 

There are various theories about the men behind this vandalism. One involves angry mobs taking it out on anything associated with Awami League. Another involves a vague, and frankly unhelpful, reference to the re-rise of anti-liberation forces. Some observers simply blamed "miscreants" for taking advantage of a fluid security situation. But it's worth recalling that Bangabandhu's murals and statues had been destroyed even during Awami League's iron-fisted rule. This suggests that the latest vandalism was not just a momentary madness—any resentment was long in the making. And the fact that the national holiday on August 15 would be cancelled soon after, in a unanimous decision by the council of advisers and political parties, further represents the shifting ground beneath the once-inviolable stature of Bangabandhu.

How has a man who deserves the highest honour for his role in our independence struggle come to be treated with such disrespect? At the risk of sounding clichéd, let's just say this is what happens when respect is imposed, legislated, and weaponised. Over the years, we have seen how the Awami regime and intelligentsia cultivated blind, unquestioning adulation, suppressing any nuanced and dispassionate study of the man who led a very eventful life.

How has it come to this? How has a man who deserves the highest honour for his role in our independence struggle come to be treated with such disrespect? At the risk of sounding clichéd, let's just say this is what happens when respect is imposed, legislated, and weaponised. Over the years, we have seen how the Awami regime and intelligentsia cultivated blind, unquestioning adulation, suppressing any nuanced and dispassionate study of the man who led a very eventful life.

We have seen how the personality cult around him was continually enhanced through an infinite mix of Bangabandhu-themed monuments, billboards, textbooks, notes and coins, postage stamps, etc. His posters were churned out and plastered everywhere, his portraits hung in every government office. From hospitals to universities to safari parks to high-tech centres to bridges and expressways—everything bears his name. His words were turned into catchphrases, his speeches tirelessly rebroadcast on state television. His life spawned innumerable books, shorts, and movies, often through state sponsorship, giving him a saint-like status. And anyone who dared to question it would be silenced through various legal tools.

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Beyond Liberation

Even Bangabandhu would have found this deification quite distasteful, had he been alive today.

This is quite unprecedented not just in the subcontinent, but perhaps anywhere in the world. In India, where we saw Congress live off Mahatma Gandhi for decades, he was not subjected to such wholesale deification. In Cuba, you will not see any statues of Fidel Castro. In fact, naming of any street, institution, locality or monument after Castro is prohibited by law. There is then the idolatry encouraged by other communist leaders such as Mao Zedong, Josef Stalin or North Korea's Kim family, but that too may pale in comparison to the ubiquitous presence of Bangabandhu in Bangladesh.

For many in today’s Bangladesh, Bangabandhu was a story narrated to us through a carefully chosen medley of pictures, historical accounts, audio clips, and video footage. PHOTO: Jack Garofalo

For those of us who grew up in recent decades, Bangabandhu was a story narrated through a carefully orchestrated medley of pictures, historical accounts, audio clips, and video footage. It kept you in awe of the person. It kept you at a distance. We were raised to bow before his altar without really understanding him, and marvel at his greatness without knowing, beyond the highlights of his career, what made him great to his people. He was, for us, not someone we could easily relate to, but one shrouded in reverent mystique.

But the way to approach a great leader is not by ignoring his past deeds or his humanness, but by acknowledging how these helped him become the man he was destined to be. A leader doesn't have to be flawless. Englishmen do not deny that millions of Bangalees starved to death in 1943 when Winston Churchill diverted food to British soldiers and other colonies while a deadly famine swept through Bengal. In China, Mao-bashing is very much a thing. Even though he and his descendants mounted campaigns that developed the country and simultaneously elevated his cult of personality, many associate his legacy with mass murder and violent class struggle. Similarly, many other leaders who led their nations to their most glorious moments had to face the bitter test of time as their legacy was subjected to harsher interpretations—often as an opposite reaction to their deification.

Like many revolutionaries who later became statesmen, Bangabandhu had his fair share of mistakes and failures. Sometimes he learnt from them, sometimes he failed to. Sometimes he made bad judgement calls. Sometimes his decisions distanced him from trusted aides, and even had had the inadvertent effect of isolating the very people he loved and fought for. Those were not his brightest moments—those were his "human" moments. But this is precisely what made him someone the new generation could identify with—a man with human triumphs and failings—yet this is the part that was often buried.

For his part, Bangabandhu was known for his remarkable affinity with the ordinary people. The candour with which he interacted with them is legendary. He commanded their respect, rather than forcing it upon them. However, like many revolutionaries who later became statesmen, Bangabandhu had his fair share of mistakes and failures. Sometimes he learnt from them, sometimes he failed to. Sometimes he made bad judgement calls. Sometimes his decisions distanced him from trusted aides, and even had had the inadvertent effect of isolating the very people he loved and fought for. Those were not his brightest moments—those were his "human" moments. But this is precisely what made him someone the new generation could identify with—a man with human triumphs and failings—yet this is the part that was often buried.

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The lasting symbolism of Bangabandhu

The challenge of the post-truth age is that no legacy is innately secure, and truths in politics are invariably contingent. In post-truth politics, you appeal to emotion rather than objective facts to shape public opinion. Emotion excites the mind and lasts for a while, but for a lasting impact, there is no alternative to a narrative based on facts and truths. Bangabandhu as a subject of study should be approached with an openness to embrace truths, however unflattering.

In the new age of revolution, Bangabandhu can be just Bangabandhu—or Sheikh Saheb, or Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, or simply "Mujib"—without the obsessive, cultist praise following him but also without meaningless criticism along party lines. He may still remain the Father of the Nation, but more human, more relatable, more in alignment with other heroes of our independence. And for that, it is essential that he be restudied and reimagined by subjecting his life and legacy to broader interpretations.

Badiuzzaman Bay is assistant editor at The Daily Star. He can be reached at badiuzzaman.bd@gmail.com

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After a period of uncertainty, actress Jyotika Jyoti has officially been relieved of her position at the Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy. She had been serving as the director of the Research and Publication Department on a contractual basis, a role she was appointed to during the former government's tenure.

However, the interim administration decided to terminate her contract early, formalised in a notification issued by the Ministry of Public Administration. The announcement, signed by Senior Assistant Secretary Nilufar Yasmin, was made public on September 30. 

The notice also ended the contracts of four other directors appointed under similar terms.

Photo: Collected

In response, Jyotika Jyoti expressed mixed emotions—relief, coupled with a subtle acknowledgment of the abrupt end to her tenure. "This notification officially ends my first experience in a government role. Although my contract was still valid, the interim government has decided to release me from my position. As of today, October 1, I am no longer the director of the Research and Publication Department at Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy," she said.

Jyoti advised writers, researchers, and publishers who worked with her to contact the Research and Publication Department directly for ongoing projects or future correspondence. She also expressed gratitude, saying, "I am thankful to everyone who contributed to my growth during this one-and-a-half-year journey."

The actress had been appointed to the role on a two-year contractual basis, starting on March 13, 2023. Following political upheaval on August 5, she was unable to attend her office. On September 17, after Syed Jamil Ahmed was announced as the new director general of Shilpakala Academy, Jyoti briefly visited her workplace but was met with hostility from some officials and employees, leading her to leave shortly afterward.

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Jyotika Jyoti ousted from Shilpakala Academy amid colleagues' outrage

Beyond her acting career, Jyotika Jyoti has founded a production company and an agricultural product marketing firm. She had also previously sought a nomination from the former ruling party, Awami League, to run for a parliamentary seat from Gauripur.

At the end of his two-day visit to Bangladesh, the UN human rights chief has sent a message that resonates in these challenging times: that justice must be fair, comprehensive, and aimed at breaking the cycle of violence that plagued the nation both before and after the ouster of the Awami League government. As Bangladesh initiates the process of establishing justice for those killed in the uprising, Volker Turk's emphasis on following due process and broadening the scope of justice to include victims of all killings and human rights violations is worth serious reflection in today's charged climate.

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Reclaiming judicial independence and the struggle for justice

The importance of justice for the killings of protesters and innocent bystanders during the uprising cannot be overstated. At the same time, the post-August 5 period also witnessed significant retaliatory violence as well as mob justice which demand investigation, too. It's essential to avoid the trap of selective justice, where certain victims are overlooked and charges weaponised against certain others. Since the formation of the interim government on August 8, at least 1,695 murder cases related to the uprising have been filed, many targeting politicians and businesspeople linked to the former regime. Referring to the concerns about dubious and politically motivated cases, Turk said, "We cannot have the filing of cases on charges that are not properly done; it is therefore extremely important to resolve this and [that] there is a commission set up precisely to address this issue."

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Some concerns about the proposed changes in international crimes tribunals

Turk also talked about other issues that deserve equal consideration, including compliance with international standards throughout the justice process, from investigation to trial to sentencing. The call for unbiased investigation is particularly relevant. Turk also proposed several measures that could prove pivotal in guiding Bangladesh towards stability and a more just society. He advocated for the UN Human Rights Office to set up a branch in Bangladesh to support the government in its reform drive. He called for the National Human Rights Commission to be independent and fully functional so that it can safeguard human rights more effectively. He also emphasised that women and minority groups should play a central role in the transition process.

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The indiscriminate arrests and murder charges

All such proposals deserve careful consideration not only to foster national healing and reconciliation but also to prevent a repeat of the abuses that have fractured the nation for so long.