Major opposition BNP is yet to declare any candidate to contest against Bangladesh ODI captain Mashrafe Bin Mortaza for Narail-2 constituency in the election.
Mashrafe Bin Mortaza was the lone nomination seeker from the Awami League to contest the election from the seat, who was okayed by the Election Commission.
BNP had kept three candidates -- AZM Fariduzzaman, Sharif Kasafuddoza Kafi and M Shaidul Islam (rejected by RO) – to contest him at the elections.
But, they have decided to rest the case for now as Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, secretary general of the BNP, did not declare any candidate for this constituency.
ABOUT THE CONSTITUENCY
Narail-2 constituency is comprised with Lohagora Upazila, and Narail Sadar except Kalora, Bichli, Bhadrabila, Singa Solpur, and Sheikh Hati Unions.
According to the Election Commission, the seat has a voter base of 317, 763 voters, among which 157,084 are male and 160,679 females. There are 140 voting centres in the constituency.
WHEN IS THE ELECTION?
The 11th general election will be held on December 30. It was deferred once by the Election Commission upon demands from the opposition political parties.
As per the polls schedule, the deadline for filing the nomination papers was November 28. Since then, the commission has been engaged in hearing appeals of rejected candidates.
After December 9, the last date for nomination withdrawal, the commission will allot polls symbols to contestant and open the field for campaigning.
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Durdanto Dhaka pacer Shoriful Islam's maiden T20 hattrick, teams comfortably posting and chasing totals over 150, and the crowd coming in numbers at the Sher-e-Bangla National Stadium in Mirpur -- the opening day of the 10th edition of the Bangladesh Premier League (BPL) had events aplenty to hook the cricket lovers.
Apart from these, there was one other thing that caught viewers' eyes yesterday. It was how Sylhet Strikers skipper Mashrafe Bin Mortaza got going.
From imposing ridiculous rules -- like in 2019 when it was made compulsory for teams to include a leg-spinner and a fast bowler who clocks north of 140kph -- to glaring graphical errors made by broadcasters, the BPL has always found a way to remain in discussion for peculiar reasons.
The latest edition of the country's only franchise-based T20 tournament opened yesterday on the back of a lot of promises, as usual. Competitiveness, obviously, remains a constant promise from the BPL -- a league that had started over a decade ago with aspirations to follow in on the path of the most successful and watched franchise league, the Indian Premier League.
However, when a 40-year-old Mashrafe, far removed from his prime, took about three strides and got the wicket of Imranuzzaman with his very first delivery, it showed why the BPL is perhaps miles behind other fast-evolving and high-demanding franchise leagues across the globe.
Not only the oddity of Mashrafe's bowling run-up but also the fact that it was the first time in over eight months that the cricketer was bowling in competitive cricket made the scenario all the more amusing. The former Bangladesh skipper, who is also a ruling party parliament member, last played in the Dhaka Premier League in May last year.
The most successful Bangladesh captain could not, however, lead his side to victory yesterday as Mashrafe's Sylhet Strikers began their BPL campaign with a seven-wicket defeat against Chattogram Challengers in Mirpur. Mashrafe ended a drab day with figures of one for 25 in 2.3 overs.
With the inclusion of new technologies, including the availability of the Decision Review System (DRS) for the entirety of the tournament for the very first time, this edition of the BPL seemed to have finally taken the initial steps in the right direction.
Only day one has passed of the 43-day long tournament, and it is indeed too soon to judge or predict how it is going to pan out eventually. But one department that the BPL certainly came through on the opening day is its well-known capability of amusing the fans in its own unique way.
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The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has opposed the proposal to change the name of the state, as discussed in the National Consensus Commission's proposal, standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said today.
"There has been a proposal to completely rewrite the preamble of the Constitution. We do not agree with this," he said after submitting BNP's proposals to the Consensus Commission at the National Parliament building this afternoon.
Salahuddin asserted that the party opposes any alterations to the preamble of the Constitution, particularly the inclusion of the 2024 mass uprising alongside the Liberation War of 1971.
"The preamble places the 2024 mass uprising on the same footing as the 1971 Liberation War. This is inappropriate. The previous preamble should remain unchanged," the party said.
BNP suggested that if the 2024 mass uprising is to be recognised, it could be included elsewhere in the Constitution, such as in the schedules, through further discussion.
Salahuddin also raised concerns over the proposal to place the Election Commission (EC) under a parliamentary committee, warning that such a move would create unnecessary complications, particularly regarding the National Identity Database (NID).
"If the NID is handed over to a separate independent institution, the Election Commission will have to repeatedly rely on that institution for all NID-related assistance. We believe this should remain under the jurisdiction of the Election Commission," he said.
Salahuddin further said that national parliamentary elections should take precedence over a referendum.
"We believe that the national parliamentary elections should be held first, not a referendum. Once a democratically elected political government is established through parliamentary elections, all discussions and decisions can take place," he said.
He also pointed out that under the Awami League government, NID operations were placed under the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the law facilitating this transfer has yet to be repealed. He called for the law's repeal to restore the Election Commission's control over the NID.
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BNP Standing Committee Member Mirza Abbas today dismissed the notion of a "second independence", asserting that such claims undermine the historic Liberation War of 1971.
He said that while the nation has faced struggles over the years, its true independence was won through the sacrifices of the martyrs in 1971 and must be upheld with unity and vigilance.
He made these remarks on the morning of Independence Day after paying tribute to the martyrs at the National Memorial.
"First of all, I remember the proclaimer of independence, martyr President Ziaur Rahman, who fought from within the country and liberated it. Even after 54 years of independence, we lost the taste of true freedom in the middle. We got it again after the 5th," he said.
He honoured the martyrs of 1971 who sacrificed their lives for freedom and expressed condolences to their surviving family members. On behalf of BNP leaders Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman, he extended greetings to the nation.
Reflecting on recent events, Mirza Abbas said, "We have just got a new taste of democracy by driving away a new form of oppression through the student movement in July and August."
He criticised those referring to the events of 2024 as the "second independence," asserting that such terminology diminishes the significance of the 1971 Liberation War. "Those who say this want to shorten today's Independence Day; they had no role in the independence of 1971. Therefore, they want to diminish this day," he added.
"I want prayers for national leader Khaleda Zia and will seek prayers from Allah so that we can maintain this independence, so that our next generation can uphold this independence," he said.
Addressing political dynamics, Mirza Abbas stated that while different parties have their ideological stances, this does not equate to disunity.
He emphasised that if a time comes when greater national unity is required to protect independence and sovereignty, the people of Bangladesh will unite. "Now, we may be talking differently for party ideological interests, but when the need arises, the people of Bangladesh will be united," he said.
Regarding the assurance from the chief advisor about elections in December, he expressed trust in that commitment. "Every political party in Bangladesh is an opponent. I do not want to believe that elections will not be held," he concluded.
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Former Bangladesh captain Mohammad Ashraful slammed BPL franchise Sylhet Strikers for keeping an unfit Mashrafe Bin Mortaza in the playing eleven, saying that Mashrafe's participation is belittling the tournament.
Mashrafe has been struggling with his fitness after having returned to cricket following an eight-month gap. Before the BPL, the pacer last played in the Dhaka Premier League (DPL) in May of 2023.
He drew criticism after bowling with a shortened run-up in their opening fixture against Chattogram Challengers on Friday and even though he bagged a wicket with his first delivery, it only highlighted the subpar standard of the tournament.
"He got a wicket with his first delivery. Actually when a young player faces him, they are in doubt about whether to hit him or not since getting out becomes a matter of prestige. Maybe that's why they don't play freely," Ashraful said while talking to the broadcasters today.
"Actually, he [Mashrafe] didn't want to play but the owners wanted him just to be present on the field. I feel that it's belittling the tournament. This kind of tournament is watched all over the world.
"Here we will see our future stars. There is a World Cup in six months and they have Rejaur Rahman Raja in the side, who is sitting in the sidelines. He [Raja] had a chance to do well in this tournament to make a place in the World Cup. That's missing," Ashraful added.
Sri Lankan commentator Russell Arnold also said he was not sure whether Mashrafe was bowling medium pace or off-spin.
"He didn't [look fit]," Arnold said when asked about Mash's fitness.
"Because he was bowling of two or three steps I am not sure whether it was gentle medium pace or off-spin. Ideally you would like more energy and you would like him to do more," Arnold added.
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Going solely by its public statements, an interesting aspect of BNP's activities since the July uprising has been its search for—and interaction with—new adversaries, in the absence of the one it fought against for so long. As new forces emerge on the scene, BNP, driven partly by post-uprising realities and partly by an abiding sense of victimhood, has increasingly found itself at odds with former allies, new parties, student leaders, the chief adviser and his cabinet colleagues, and even media houses critical of its unruly activists. And it has sought to use these conflicts to come out stronger. What's interesting about it is how unchanged BNP's manner of engagement has remained despite the political changeover in August, often adopting an adversarial tone that feels too eager at times.
In his seminal work on the politics of enemies, Canadian historian Michael Ignatieff explains that when politicians target their adversaries using inflammatory rhetoric, it is not necessarily true that they are merely representing their constituents' feelings or responding to injustices and societal divisions. "The truth may be darker: it may be a language game not to represent grievance, but to create it, and to polarise for the sake of political advantage." However, as the largest party at present—and one many expect to win the next national election—BNP's adversarial politics hurts more because it was expected to lead a new culture of politics, with a new political language that seeks mediation rather than confrontation.
Be that as it may, where it gets particularly disturbing is when BNP brings its combative approach to the state reform drive, which the nation hopes will be the catalyst for transformational change in the country. BNP's stance on reforms has long been one of confusion and mixed messages. On March 16, however, it seemed to take it a step too far. Speaking at an iftar programme at Dhaka Medical College, senior BNP leader Mirza Abbas said, rather ominously, "We will not easily accept any reforms dictated by their [interim government's] hands or pens. If they carry out reforms, we will make corrections. BNP, in collaboration with other political parties, will determine those corrections and present them to the nation. We will not accept the so-called reforms led by the so-called intellectuals who are not even citizens of this country."
BNP must recognise that, besides electoral changes, there are other reforms that are of equal priority. Our painful history of political violence and corruption demands that some key changes be made—at least in the judiciary and police force—to ensure Bangladesh doesn't return to the pre-July status quo after elections. The idea that this may not happen is both naïve and dangerous.
This statement is striking for two reasons. First, it outright dismisses the proposals from various reform commissions which, by the way, are with the political parties for review. Second, it openly questions the legitimacy of those who prepared the proposals and are in talks with stakeholders, including the BNP, to achieve consensus on the nature and extent of reforms. But if this is how BNP wants to navigate this crucial phase—by pre-emptively rejecting expert proposals, disparaging those involved, or accusing the "unelected" government of trying to favour certain parties—what was the point of all the efforts over the last seven months? The non-citizen jibe, likely aimed at the National Consensus Commission Vice-Chairman Ali Riaz, who also heads the Constitution Reform Commission, was particularly insensitive. Despite BNP being very much on the inside and having the ability to impact outcome through the ongoing dialogue, such public outbursts create confusion about what it truly wants.
Yes, not everything said to rally party loyalists should be taken at face value. But BNP's reaction cycle—from insisting that elections and reforms should progress in tandem to demanding no reforms beyond those related to elections—is well-documented. The party has itself complained that its commitment to reforms is being unfairly questioned, but stopped short of considering whether it is somehow contributing to this perception. Instead, it appears more interested in its own 31-point charter, which largely consists of broad visions. All this suggests BNP's growing alienation from the aspirations for structural change through the ongoing reform drive. While acting chairman Tarique Rahman's statement on Wednesday—warning that extremists and fascists could again "bury democracy" and expressing BNP's commitment to maintaining the country's secular character—is laudable, it's the grunt work of reform-making where its commitment, and support, are most needed. Right now, its critical stance isn't helping. Ali Riaz appeared to hint as much on Thursday when he stated that both internal and external forces are trying to "obstruct the reform process."
BNP must recognise that, besides electoral changes, there are other reforms that are of equal priority. Our painful history of political violence and corruption demands that some key changes be made—at least in the judiciary and police force—to ensure Bangladesh doesn't return to the pre-July status quo after elections. The idea that this may not happen is both naïve and dangerous. To expect a political government to honour its commitment to reforms is like expecting it to honour its election manifesto, and we all know how faithful past ruling parties were to their manifestos. There must be at least some binding mechanisms or safeguards in place to ensure that the reform drive does not derail after elections. One way, as suggested by a columnist in this daily, would be for political parties to "thrash out a common minimum reform programme (CMRP)—a set of core reforms based on the max-min principle, where the maximum number of parties agree on a minimum set of urgent measures." This is precisely what the National Consensus Commission can help achieve, if given proper support.
If the BNP really wants to be seen as a pro-reform force, it should engage in these discussions with greater sincerity, sending an undiluted message of solidarity with whatever outcome this process yields. At the same time, it should balance its political aspirations with the broader national interest. That goes for all other parties as well. Any attempt to politicise the reform drive—whether by questioning and obstructing the process or by selectively endorsing reforms that suit their interests—will serve neither the parties nor the country in the long run.
Badiuzzaman Bay is assistant editor at The Daily Star. He can be reached at [email protected].
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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