Dhaka city dwellers are leaving the city for their home in masses ahead of the upcoming general election to be held on Sunday.

The home rush began yesterday, as the two weekends, today and tomorrow, make up an ideal three-day holiday to visit ancestral homes.

The photo was taken at Gabtoli Bus Terminal. Photo: Star/ Palash Khan

Because many of the dwellers are voters of their home districts, they must travel back to their home land to cast their ballot and exercise their franchise.

READ MORE: Festive atmosphere indeed!!

The photo was taken at Sadarghat launch terminal. Photo: Star/ Prabir Das

People were seen gathering on all the exit points of the city. Gabtoli, Kamlapur and Sadarghat were teeming with outbound people since this morning.

The photo was taken at Sadarghat launch terminal. Photo: Star/ Prabir Das

The home-goers are expecting to enjoy happy times with their near and dear ones along with exercising their democratic rights to vote.

The photo was taken at Airport Railway Station. Photo: Star/ Palash Khan

BNP is considering rallies next month to push for a roadmap to election while keeping a close watch on the issue of the president's probable removal.

The party high-ups have already discussed the programmes, which will be finalised soon, said its leaders.

"Once the decision is finalised, we may hold rallies in every district and divisional city next month," a BNP standing committee member told The Daily Star last night, wishing not to be named.

Insiders said the party believes the issue of President Mohammed Shahabuddin's removal and "intentional" audio leaks of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina are part of a big conspiracy by a vested quarter to create a constitutional vacuum, which would ultimately delay the national election. That is why the party is considering street programmes.

"By holding programmes in November, we want to make our stance clear to the people," said a senior BNP leader who is involved in the process.

BNP has already begun talks with the like-minded political parties about the issue.

At the street programmes, it will press for an election roadmap, measures to check the price hike of essentials, and withdrawal of cases against its Chairperson Khaleda Zia and acting chairman Tarique Rahman.

BNP's allies will also hold programmes to press home the same demands, the sources added.

BNP standing committee member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury yesterday said reforms should be carried out on the basis of political consensus.

Speaking at a programme, he said 10 commissions have been formed to come up with reform proposals, and they will submit reports within 90 days. "But new demands are being made. I don't know whether the reform commissions and the interim government support those demands. These issues seem contradictory," he said without referring to any issue.

On October 23, three top BNP leaders met Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and warned him of a potential constitutional crisis that may stem from the president's removal.

Syed Emran Saleh Prince, joint secretary general of BNP, said holding rallies and processions will be part of the party's ongoing organisational activities.

"We should step up our political activities as various issues are surfacing."

BNP leaders said the interim government's main mandate is to hold a free and fair general election to fulfil the nation's expectations, as people were deprived of their voting rights in the last three parliamentary polls.

"We can assume how much time the government needs to hold an election. We are ready to give that time. But if that time is over, we will do whatever is necessary," Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, BNP standing committee member, said at a discussion yesterday.

He said his party was ready to wait for the election, but the government has to declare a specific time for the polls.

Prof Muhammad Yunus has put the election train on track with the option of reaching its destination either in December 2025 or in the first half of 2026. For a country that did not have a proper election for 15 years—three rigged elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024—a six-month time gap should not worry us much. But considering the overall situation, including the economy, lack of investment, law and order, and people's eagerness to see an elected government and parliament installed as early as possible, we think Prof Yunus and his interim government should opt for the first of the two options he has suggested.

And this is why.

The main aim is to have both reforms and an election. Reforms, because we just cannot go back to the past practice of holding an election then allowing the winning party to do whatever it wishes, especially if it has a two-thirds majority. We must amend the constitution to restore checks and balances among the executive, legislative and judiciary, curtail the unilateral power of the prime minister, make the judiciary functionally independent, make the various statutory bodies like the National Human Rights Commission, Information Commission and Election Commission independent, make the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, etc autonomous, and ensure freedom of speech and of the media, among other things. A fundamental reform would be to make the parliament functional and enable it to hold the executive genuinely accountable.

Read more

A turning point or a missed opportunity?

However, as important and crucial as the reforms are, one cannot postpone the elections much further. We need to move away from a makeshift arrangement of an interim government to a more stable one of an elected government, fully backed by the constitution that will give the new government all the legality, legitimacy and prestige of any democratic government in the world. An election is necessary to restore the world's faith in Bangladesh that we can wade through whatever challenges a situation may provide and still continue in the path of democracy. This is the most important thing to prove to the world.

Both can be achieved within the next 12 months.

All the main six reform committees, the most important ones as stated by the chief adviser himself, are scheduled to submit their reports by the end of 2024 or maximum by January next year. The chief adviser's suggestion about the formation of a consensus commission is, in our view, a brilliant innovation that will help us move towards a stable future. The consensus commission will engage with all the political parties to reach consensus on which recommendations are to be implemented by the interim government—through ordinance—and which are to be left for the elected government. Achieving a consensus among all parties will be a major political goal, which has not been achieved since the all-party charter during the fall of the Ershad government in 1990. Since the chief adviser himself will chair the consensus commission, we feel confident that a positive outcome will certainly emerge.

Read more

Bangladesh needs to strengthen its political leadership

Coming back to the timeline, if the commission starts its work following the submission of reports by December-January, the interim government will have nearly 10 months to move towards the election.

Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) AMM Nasir Uddin said on Tuesday that the Election Commission has been preparing for the election from the day of their taking office, and it is ready to comply with the dates suggested by the chief adviser. He also said he would be able to complete updating of the voter list within the next two months. If the Election Commission goes for the more elaborate process of updating the voter list by doing a door-to-door verification process, it still should not take more than six or seven months, which will take us at best to July or August next year.

So, both in terms of the completion of the reform processes and in terms of preparation for the election, the coming 12 months appear sufficient from all counts to go for the polls. Also, the fact that the winter season has traditionally been preferred for holding the general elections because of the reduced prospect of natural disruptions like rain, floods, cyclones, etc must not be overlooked.

Read more

‘We must challenge not just regimes, but also oppressive legal machinery'

The actors in the political field today are Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islami, and numerous smaller political parties. The new entry, which is likely to be a significant player, is the political party of the student groups that played a decisive role in toppling the old regime. They have declared their intention of forming a political party within a very short time, with its own student wing.

BNP is the party waiting at the doorstep of assuming power. Therefore, its eagerness to push for the earliest timetable for the election is predictable. The speech by Tarique Rahman, the party's acting chairman, on December 18, urging his party members to focus on "reforms and not revenge" deserves commendation. He further said, "If you want to respond to the injustice, oppression and suppression done to you, you should not imitate what they [Awami League] have done. If we do so, there will be no difference between them and us." This is a highly refreshing and welcome position, and a very powerful and farsighted one.

Even before the submission of the constitutional commission's recommendations, Tarique has said he and his party will recommend two terms for the prime minister, to be fixed by the constitution. As the person who may hold that position, if voted so, he was in fact putting restrictions on his own possible future tenure—a most appreciable and hitherto unprecedented gesture. He also expressed his support for a bicameral legislature for the future. Both these suggestions have far-reaching political consequences for us, and clearly shows that the acting chief of today's BNP is thinking ahead.

Read more

Column by Mahfuz Anam: Taste of freedom regained

The party's 31-point programme, which was prepared some time ago, lays out clearly what the BNP proposes to do once in power. However, we are used to our political parties promising the moon before the election and then forgetting everything once in power. But given the July-August uprising, we hope things will be different this time.

Jamaat has extended a conditional support to the chief adviser's polls plan, with the secretary general saying, "Despite our initial reluctance regarding the delay, we will remain patient as long as the chief adviser honours his commitment to hold elections… we are ready to cooperate with him." This clearly shows that Jamaat is not in any hurry. The reason is obvious: the more time it gets, the more will Jamaat, as the second biggest party right now, be organised when the election comes.

It is our view that smaller parties will acquiesce to the chief adviser's mid-2026 timeline as they may not expect too much from the election and are better off now in terms of being treated on an equal footing with all others.

Read more

Democracy needs civil society to thrive

Among the most interesting political developments that are likely is the new party planned by the students. It will be interesting to see them emerge as a political force, get voters' support by joining the election, and participate in the governance process, being elected MPs. The new party may bring about a refreshing change in our political scene with new and bold ideas aimed at removing discriminations from our society. However, they would prefer more time to be able to organise themselves better, and hence are opposed to an early election.

Whatever the differing stances of various political parties may be, people in general would, we think, prefer to exercise their franchise to elect their government, something they have been deprived from for the last 15 years.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Having been the main opposition camp over the last 15 years, the BNP has been advocating for quick reforms followed by elections. The Daily Star's Golam Mortoza caught up with the party's Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir to talk about a host of issues ranging from elections to media freedom.

TDS: As the secretary general of one of Bangladesh's largest political parties, what are your thoughts on the current political situation. A successful mass uprising has taken place, and an interim government has taken over. Your party has been calling for elections within a timeframe that is both "quick" and "reasonable." Could you clarify what you mean by "quick" and "reasonable"?

Fakhrul: Over 15 years of authoritarian rule destroyed the bureaucratic and political structures of Bangladesh. The institutions essential for a democratic state have been systematically ruined. As a result, following the student-led mass uprising, public expectations have skyrocketed. The primary expectation now is that this government will hold a fair and credible election, enabling people to form a parliament and government of their choice.

There is also another expectation -- to right all the wrongs done during this long bout of misrule.

To read the full interview, click here.

TDS: How would you define a reasonable timeframe?

Fakhrul: There are a few minimum requirements. For instance, the electoral system needs to be reformed to enable free and fair elections. The heavily politicised bureaucracy must be overhauled to make it neutral and capable of facilitating a credible election. Similarly, the judiciary, which has been politicised, needs to be reformed to the extent possible. Complete reform might not be achievable immediately, especially at the grassroots level, but these steps are critical.

TDS: Your acting chairperson, Tarique Rahman, has also spoken about this logical timeframe, making it clear that there's no rush. However, some of your party leaders have mentioned that elections should be held by March or April, leading to some confusion. What is BNP's official position on this?

Read more

Have patience for election

Fakhrul: We don't want to specify exact dates or deadlines because, as a party, we're being pragmatic. There may be some flexibility with the timeline, but elections must be held as quickly as possible for the good of the country and its people.

Having been in government ourselves, we understand that reforms require some time. However, we insist on timely elections because only an elected government can ensure legitimacy. The mandate of an elected government is entirely different from that of an interim administration. When we interact with foreign stakeholders, investors, and industrialists, they often express concerns about investing during the tenure of a temporary government. Timely elections will resolve many of these issues.

TDS: Regarding the interim government, particularly the current one -- there is a suggestion that although it lacks electoral legitimacy, it came to power after a mass uprising involving students and the public, with active participation from all political parties, including the BNP. Doesn't that give this government a mandate derived from the uprising?

Fakhrul: The uprising undoubtedly aimed for reforms. But that doesn't mean this government can operate indefinitely, like what we saw during the 1/11 period [indicating the government that took power on January 11, 2007] or similar situations in the past. An unelected government must not exceed its logical timeframe. Prolonged tenure creates various complications, including difficulties in maintaining international relations.

Additionally, anti-democratic and fascist forces often take advantage of such transitions. During 1/11, the government's attempts at reforms ultimately failed, forcing them to hold elections and leave.

TDS: As someone who has spent the entire life in politics, would you say that the BNP, as a major political party, practises democracy internally?

Fakhrul: I won't claim we do it perfectly well, but we are practising democracy. Our standing committee sits four times a month. Decisions are made collectively. The current situation has prevented us from holding councils everywhere, but we will address that.

Abolishing the caretaker government system was the greatest mistake. Elections under a caretaker government fostered democratic practices. In contrast, there has been no accountability in the last three elections. A country's democratic culture influences its political parties, and all of us must work together to strengthen it.

TDS: Are you concerned that the current government may delay elections or avoid them altogether?

Fakhrul: At this point, I don't see any indication of that. We've had both formal and informal discussions with the student leaders, and I haven't felt that they intend to delay or avoid elections.

Read more

Mirza Fakhrul's unabridged interview

TDS: You are advocating for elections, and the government is too. You're suggesting elections at a reasonable time, while the government wants reforms first. But the government hasn't openly stated any intent to hold on to power indefinitely. Doesn't this align the BNP, the anti-discrimination student movement, and the government to some extent?

Fakhrul: There isn't much difference in principle. However, several fundamental issues need clarification. For instance, some are suggesting rewriting the constitution rather than amending it. Even Dr Ali Riaz, who heads the reform committee, has stated that the constitution will be rewritten.

It remains unclear whether the constitution will be rewritten or drafted anew, or simply amended.

TDS: What's your stance on this?

Fakhrul: We've also formed a committee on constitutional reform, which we'll share with the government. We're willing to cooperate in making the necessary amendments to the existing constitution for governance. However, fundamental changes to the constitution should be entrusted to the people. Only their representatives can undertake such tasks.

TDS: But it was the people who carried out the uprising.

Fakhrul: Who exactly are "the people" behind the student-led uprising? Whose voices will you prioritise?

TDS: Those who led it.

Fakhrul: How do you determine that? This issue is being debated from many perspectives.

TDS: You were indirectly aligned with the movement. While you may not have been formally involved, the students led it, and the world witnessed that. Isn't that clear?

Fakhrul: We aren't denying that. We embrace it. We were also part of it. Our point is that any constitutional change requires the people's mandate. This government is not a revolutionary government.

TDS: Do you think they should form a party?

Fakhrul: That's not for me to say.

TDS: If they form a political party, shouldn't they leave the government?

Fakhrul: They absolutely should. Otherwise, the government becomes biased. You claim the government will remain neutral, establish a neutral Election Commission, and conduct impartial elections. But if you simultaneously run a political party and hold government power, doesn't that create a direct conflict of interest? If you want to discuss revolutionary change, then form a revolutionary government and run the country accordingly. But is your political party capable of handling such a transformation?

Take the Awami League in 1974, for example, when they implemented BKSAL. Even their intellectual supporters argued this should have been done earlier, perhaps right after the 1971 Liberation War. By 1974, however, it was too late, and the people rejected it. The lesson is clear: the people's verdict matters. And that verdict comes through elections.

TDS: What's your observation on the AL's politics?

Fakhrul: As I've said before, the AL has become politically bankrupt. You can see it for yourself. The AL is not only defeated but has turned into a despised party. Even within their ranks, those who are somewhat sensible would admit that the party has made grave mistakes.

TDS: Have AL members changed?

Fakhrul: No, I'm referring to those still in the country, not those who've fled. Even within the party, those who genuinely want to pursue democratic politics now believe their party has made serious mistakes.

TDS: When discussions arise about banning the AL -- given that its student wing, the Chhatra League, has already been banned --why does your party disagree with the idea?

Fakhrul: I'm a liberal democrat to the core. No matter how bad the AL is, it's an old political party with a long history. Who am I to decide whether it should be banned? That decision rests with the people. An elected parliament, formed through fair elections will determine such matters. The AL will eventually be wiped out through elections anyway.

TDS: A discredited party, accused of killing hundreds, is still led by Sheikh Hasina in exile -- if a proposal comes to ban such a party, will it be irrelevant?

Fakhrul: I didn't call it irrelevant. What I said is that it's not my responsibility to make that decision. That is for the people to decide.

TDS: Let's assume the BNP wins the next election and takes charge of the country. Would your parliament take the initiative to ban the AL?

Fakhrul: That would depend on the situation at the time. What the party decides at that point is something I can't predict right now. I can't say whether we would take such an initiative or not because it will ultimately be a party decision.

TDS: After banning the Chhatra League, there's been speculation that Chhatra Dal could also face a ban. Some argue that's why the BNP opposed the Chhatra League's ban. Is that true, or is this about upholding democratic values?

Fakhrul: Why view this negatively? Let's look at it positively. The Chhatra League had devolved into a completely terrorist organisation with no trace of democratic values. They wreaked havoc on the entire education system through their acts of terrorism. There are ample evidence and photographs of how the Chhatra League, acting as a political force, killed people during the student uprising -- you probably have more of that evidence than we do. The situation of the Chhatra League and Chhatra Dal isn't comparable at all.

TDS: I'm not comparing Chhatra League with Chhatra Dal. However, considering the allegations of Chhatra League using firearms, machetes, and cleavers to kill students, its ban has been justified. Yet, the BNP seems to believe that the decision was not right. Why is that?

Fakhrul: No one from our party has said that banning Chhatra League was unjustified. What we've said is that the decision to ban any organisation should be made by parliament.

TDS: Allegations have surfaced that BNP leaders are now engaging in the same extortion and land-grabbing that AL leaders were accused of. What's your take on this?

Fakhrul: You can't generalise such claims. Yes, there have been isolated incidents, and we've acted decisively. Over 700 members have been expelled for misconduct. We're well aware of the issue and remain vigilant.

TDS: Final question. There seems to be a growing narrative against certain media outlets in Bangladesh, particularly The Daily Star and the Prothom Alo, labelling them as accomplices of fascism, with even calls from some quarters to shut them down. Though this sentiment may not be widespread, it does exist. As the secretary general of a major political party, what is your stance on this, and what do you think should be done in this regard?

Fakhrul: Our position is very clear: we strongly believe in the complete freedom of the press. It was Ziaur Rahman who first brought this principle forward.

That being said, media freedom must be exercised with responsibility. For example, some time ago, a newspaper published a report claiming that all arrangements had been made for Begum Khaleda Zia to leave the country, but she refused to go. This was utterly baseless and a completely false report. The media must refrain from publishing such unfounded news, especially when it concerns national leaders. There must be a solid basis for such claims. Baseless reporting should not happen.

Right now, the media's most significant responsibility is to contribute towards ensuring that this government quickly holds fair elections. Another crucial role for the media is to avoid maligning the parties that are genuinely involved in the movement for democracy. These are our expectations. There may be differences of opinion, and that's fine, but deliberate misrepresentation is unacceptable.

We're vocal about press freedom. For instance, we welcome the decision to repeal the Digital Security Act and Cyber Security Act. This is a very positive step, and it is what we've been advocating for. However, we also want everything to be done with a sense of responsibility. In a democracy, rights are essential, but so is accountability. Everyone must act responsibly.

As for the calls to shut down media outlets or burn them down, we're entirely against such actions. Some isolated incidents may have occurred, but we've protested against them to the best of our ability.

TDS: Thank you very much for your time.

Fakhrul: Thank you as well. We're always in support of ensuring that you can continue to speak the truth freely.

For the full interview click here.