Abdul Awal, 58, cannot hold back his excitement as for the first time in his life he would be voting in the 11th parliamentary polls on December 30.

Awal is one of the newly registered voters of 59 former enclaves in Lalmonirhat that became Bangladesh's territory through the implementation of Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) in 2015.

“It feels like a dream that my vote will be counted for selecting Bangladesh's government,” said Awal, a resident of Bhitorkuti under Kulaghat union.

Awal recalled how he used to visit the polling centres to witness the festivity centring elections during his childhood. But he never disclosed his identity during those times. “This time I will walk to the centre proudly and be a part of the event.”

Of the 59 former enclaves, which were Indian territory only a few years ago, two are in Kulaghat, two in Gotamari union, and the rest are in Jongra, Kuchlibari, Burimari, Srirampur, Jagatber, and Bawra unions of Patgram upazila.

Of the 10,317 people living in these former enclaves, 6.500 have been registered as voters, according to the district election office.

During a visit to Kulaghat on Monday, this correspondent found most areas covered with posters of the Awami League. Posters of Jatiya Oikyafront were seen at a few places.

Jatiya Party Co-chairman GM Quader is contesting from the Awami League-led 14-party grand alliance against Lalmonirhat BNP President Asadul Habib Dulu in Lalmonirhat-3, which includes Kulaghat union.

Both the candidates were trying to drum up support but they did not show up when the flood hit the area hard in 2014, said some of the locals.

“During the floods, no-one offered a single piece of bread but now they are coming to us seeking votes,” said Ayub Ali, a resident of Banshpochai, Kalughat.

Ayub, however, showed this correspondent the smart card, vulnerable group feeding (VGF) card, and fair price card that he received following the dissolution of the enclaves.

Pointing at the smart card, he said, “Look, the card says I am a Bangladeshi. I will cast my ballot using this card.”

The 50-year-old said his relatives living in the mainland once used to call his family “enclave people” but now no-one dares to do so.

Following the implementation of the LBA on July 31, 2015, the government set up houses, gave electricity connections, distributed VGF cards, VGD (Vulnerable Group development) cards, placed solar panels, constructed roads, tube-wells, toilets, established schools and clinics in some of the remote areas.

Many residents were unhappy as they did not have a candidate contesting with the electoral symbol “boat”, the Awami League's symbol.

Shahtun Khatun, 55, said she was “finally freed from the curse of enclave” because of the initiative by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

Alluding to GM Quader, she said, “Nevertheless, I will vote for her [Hasina's] candidate, I will pick plough [election symbol of Jatiya Party],” said the resident of Bhitorkuti in Kalurghat.

Asadul Hasib Dulu, president of Lalmonirhat BNP and Oikyafront nominee, pledged employment opportunities. Dulu said, “We will focus on education of the residents, including taking responsibility of meritorious but poor students.”

In Lalmonirhat-1, Lalmonirhat Awami League President Motahar Hossain is running. The constituency has 55 former enclaves.

If elected, development of infrastructures would continue in the areas, said Motahar. The Awami League would set up schools, colleges, and create employment opportunities, he added.

It is quite encouraging to hear Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina tell British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly that the Awami League government wants the national polls in Bangladesh to be free and fair like they are in the United Kingdom. It is probably the most specific statement to persuade the international community that there won't be any repetition of the previous two parliamentary elections widely seen as neither free nor fair. Her party won the January 2014 election well before a single vote was cast, as it was boycotted by others following the unilateral abolition of the constitutional provision for election-time non-partisan caretaker government. Though the next election held in December 2018 was a participatory one, it was, again, marred with controversies, including ballot stuffing on the night before, reportedly aided by government officials and members of the law enforcement agencies.

Besides those two parliamentary elections, a few other elections held over the last 10 years, with a handful exceptions, were marred with similar controversies, largely due to the ruling party's "winner takes all" narrow mindset, and not conceding an inch to the opposition parties. In the process of keeping a tighter grip on power at every level of the state, it has been alleged that the system has been rigged in such a way that no institution can function independently anymore. Therefore, it's quite reasonable to ask: how can our election be something similar to those in the UK?

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What will it take for our next election to be credible and acceptable to all?

The UK model, understandably, is quite useful for the ruling Awami League as it nullifies, at least superficially, the opposition demand for the restoration of a caretaker government system. In the UK, the party in power remains in office during elections, though in a caretaker capacity, with limited functions of essential routine affairs of the government. Citing this British model, the Awami League argues that the Election Commission will have full authority on election-related affairs and the government will refrain from anything else other than supporting the Election Commission and running the routine work.

The ruling party's core argument in abolishing the caretaker government system was that even routine functions should not be left with any unelected authority, and for that reason, in the 15th Amendment of the constitution, parliament was kept alive until its successor was elected. This provision alone is quite contrary to the Westminster model, where parliament gets dissolved as soon as an election is called, which means the incumbent prime minister and ministers cease to be elected representatives when they act as a caretaker government.

The most crucial part of the UK model of election is the role of the civil service, which in the current scenario is almost impossible in Bangladesh. As soon as a general election is called in the UK, a "purdah" kicks and all civil service members are reminded of the guideline to abide by. Though the government retains the responsibility to govern, and ministers remain in charge of their departments, civil servants are required to follow some key principles, including 1) avoid any activity that could call their political impartiality into question; and 2) ensure that public resources are not used for party-political purposes. These principles are not only applicable to government departments, but all other non-departmental public bodies that receive any amount of public funding. Bangladesh's abolished caretaker system had, to some extent, tried to emulate such principles, but now it's been abandoned and replaced with civil servants' unconditional allegiance to the ruling party.

By keeping parliament in place under the 15th Amendment, distrust among the contending parties have grown as it can – at least theoretically – annul the election by inventing frivolous allegations of fraud or irregularities if the result means dislodgement from power, creating serious political chaos and upheaval. Former US President Donald Trump's attempt of undoing the election results shows it can happen in any country.

The most crucial part of the UK model of election is the role of the civil service, which in the current scenario is almost impossible in Bangladesh. As soon as a general election is called in the UK, a "purdah" kicks and all civil service members are reminded of the guideline to abide by. Though the government retains the responsibility to govern, and ministers remain in charge of their departments, civil servants are required to follow some key principles, including 1) avoid any activity that could call their political impartiality into question; and 2) ensure that public resources are not used for party-political purposes. These principles are not only applicable to government departments, but all other non-departmental public bodies that receive any amount of public funding. Bangladesh's abolished caretaker system had, to some extent, tried to emulate such principles, but now it's been abandoned and replaced with civil servants' unconditional allegiance to the ruling party.

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Is the US really happy with our election plan?

The UK prime minister, prior to calling a general election, authorises permanent secretaries (equivalent to secretaries in Bangladesh Civil Service) for pre-election contact with the main opposition parties to allow them to be informed about key departmental facts and let them apprise the civil servants of any policy changes likely in the event of a change of government. One may wonder whether that would ever be possible in Bangladesh.

As the government of the day is expected to defend its policies to the electorate, the governing party is entitled to check with the departments that statements made on its behalf are factually correct and consistent with government policy. But at the same time, civil servants are also required to provide consistent factual information on request to candidates of all parties, as well as to organisations and members of the public, if possible, within 24 hours. It helps informed debates on policies, instead of mudslinging and promoting personality cults.

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Genuine elections vs participatory sham

The UK election-time guideline for civil servants, updated in 2019, says all appointments requiring approval by the prime minister, and other civil service and public appointments likely to prove sensitive should be frozen until after the election. It restricts official exhibitions on a contentious policy or proposal during the election period. Films, video, and photographs from departmental libraries or sources are not allowed to be used by any political party. New government advertising campaigns in general remain postponed and running campaigns closed. In Bangladesh, the recent example of the Election Commission's inability to discipline election officials of Gaibandha by-poll shows that even if they want to enforce any such guideline in the country, it is bound to fail due to the excessive politicisation of our civil service. And it's not only our civil service – all such institutions, including the police and judiciary, have been hopelessly politicised.

Promising elections similar to the UK is hardly enough to allay the international community's concerns about the future of our democracy, unless a national consensus on conducting it is reached soon, for which we need an honest dialogue.

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His Twitter handle is @ahmedka1

We may all breathe a sigh of relief that the brouhaha over the EVMs is finally over, with the Election Commission deciding to forego the use of the electronic machines in the upcoming parliamentary election citing a lack of funds. Since it was first introduced in 2018, there have been widespread fear about its fool-proofness to electoral tampering; in particular, concerns were raised about the audit cards via which election results are collected, which are vulnerable to manipulation in the absence of a voter-verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT). Despite strong reservations from many political parties, including the BNP, and civil society actors, the EC, till now, seemed hell-bent on going ahead with its decision to use EVMs, finalising a massive Tk 8,711 crore project for EVM procurement and management last year.

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Why should we trust EVMs?

We are glad that the EC has finally seen reason, if only in consideration of the enormous expenses that the project would entail. Back when the proposal was first made, we had warned the EC against such an expensive undertaking in the midst of the worst economic and cost-of-living crisis in over a decade, particularly given that Bangladesh was buying the EVMs at inflated costs. Now that the EC has retracted its position, we wonder what will happen to the 150,000 EVMs already bought in phases since 2018, at 11 times the price of the machines in India. EVMs worth Tk 642 crore have already become unusable for a lack of proper storage facility and maintenance, according to EC documents. We urge the EC to make sure that our remaining stock – paid with taxpayers' money – are stored properly so that they may be used in the future, if and when it is decided, through political consensus, to switch to EVMs. 

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‘Decision to use EVMs defies all logic’

While the decision to scrap the EVMs is a step in the right direction, the EC must not lose sight of the fact that there are many other pressing issues that it must address before the public, and other political parties can be confident that the upcoming elections will be free, fair and participatory. Foremost among them is ensuring full independence of the EC, and guaranteeing the ever-illusive "level-playing field" for all political parties. Unfortunately, the performance of the EC in the by-elections, except for one notable exception, has not inspired confidence in its ability to rise above and rein in party politics. As it tries to engage with other political parties and to ensure them of its neutrality, the commission needs to remember that it is only through its commitment to the electoral process – rather than the party in power – that it can inspire faith about its ability to guide the nation to a democratic future. 

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EC in second year must do a better job

The EC must also prove its ability to ensure compliance of the administration and law enforcement in playing their part in defending the democratic process. It must not be seen as reflecting the increasingly intolerant stance of the government towards critics, human rights defenders and the media. 

The BNP, on its end, must forego its propensity to reject any and all proposal and initiatives of the EC, without due consideration or discussion. Such wholesale rejection will not produce constructive results, and risks jeopardising not just future prospects for the party, but the country at large.

The tussle in the Awami League camp of Munshiganj-3 seems to have subsided following a rebel campaigning for the nominee.

The BNP's electioneering, however, is hardly visible there. 

With only five days until the nation goes to polls, AL candidate Mrinal Kanti Das is carrying out a steady campaign with almost no opposition on the campaign trail, said locals.

Although Mrinal's posters were seen on most roads in Munshiganj sadar and Gazaria upazilas, he was not being able to intensify his campaign because of AL rebel Chowdhury Fahria Afrin, said party insiders.

Fahria, wife of Munshiganj Municipality Mayor Mohammad Faisal, had plenty of her posters around the municipality office. Her father-in-law Md Mohiuddin is the president of Munshiganj Awami League and administrator at the Munshiganj District Council. He served Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the chief security officer.

But yesterday, Fahria started campaigning for Mrinal, ending the tussle that was tearing apart the AL campaign.

Meanwhile, the campaign for BNP candidate Abdul Hye, who has accused AL activists of tearing down his posters and vandalising his office, hoped that deployment of army personnel yesterday would help them campaign.

“Now that the army has been deployed, we will get a chance to boost our campaign,” said Hye.

He said his Jubilee Road office was vandalised by AL men. “We could not carry out electioneering due to attacks by the AL men. The local administration is also assisting them,” he claimed.

Munshiganj Deputy Commissioner and Returning Officer Shaila Farzana said her administration was determined to ensure a level playing field.

Regarding the allegations, she asked the BNP to come up with a written complaint and proof. “If they can show proof, then we will take action,” she said.

BNP's office on Jubilee Road was found locked yesterday. Hye was seen instructing his men outside the polls-time office of the BNP and Jatiya Oikyafront in Muktarpur.

“Be it at a tea stall or a bus station, people used to talk about the election. But this time, we are not seeing that happening,” said Ahmad Ali, a rice trader who lives in Muktarpur Bazar.

“The AL supporters are bringing out processions every day but there is hardly any activity of the other candidates,” said Md Nayan, a salesman at an electronics shop in Munshiganj Sadar Market.

Ruhul Amin Bhuiyan of Islami Andolan Bangladesh and Sheikh Md Kamal Hossain of Communist Party of Bangladesh are the other contenders in the constituency.

Children in Jashore's Malopara village still have nightmares of people coming to attack them. And with the election on the horizon, panic has spread even among the adults.

It stems from their experience of the election day on January 5, 2014, when Jamat-Shibir and BNP men unleashed their fury in a series of mindless attacks on the locals. 

They vandalised 130 houses of the Hindu community and torched 10 more in Malopara because the villagers had dared to cast votes. The attackers also looted valuables from the Hindu houses, the locals said.

Although many of the Jamaat-BNP men involved in those attacks have been arrested or are  on the run, a sense of foreboding prevails, particularly among the women and children of the village fishing community living on the banks of the Bhairab river. 

At least two families of the village have sent their young women to their relatives' homes as the polls near.

“I tried to convince my wife to stay home, but she insisted not to take any risk. I gave in to her resolve and sent her to a relative's house in Coat Chandpur in Jhenidah on Wednesday,” said Laltu Sarkar, a local.

Sumoti Sarkar, 14, and Sathi Sarkar, 7, two daughters of his elder brother also accompanied Laltu's wife.

Now an eight-grader, Sumoti was then a class VI student when 300 to 400 Jamaat-Shibir and BNP men wielding sharp weapons and hockey sticks attacked Malopara in Abhoynagar upazila in 2014.

Some 600 Hindus, including women and children, had to flee their village and seek shelter on the other side of the river. While many crossed the river by boats, others swam across.

“Sumoti is so traumatised that she still has nightmares of people coming to attack us,” Kali Dashi Sarkar, mother of Sumoti, told this correspondent while visiting the village on Wednesday.

The hallmark of the attack can still be seen on the tin-roof of Sumoti's house.

That was the third and final attack of the day that came following a rumour that Shibir activist Abu Bakkar had been beaten and killed by the Hindus.

Asked why people still feared the attacks as Jamaat-Shibir and BNP men were out of the area due to police raids, a number of villagers said it was because some of those attackers still roamed around the area freely.

Besides, some attackers had now engaged with the local Awami League, they added.

Earlier, the Jamaat-Shibir men attacked twice, but the residents had managed to resist them from entering the village, said Bishwajit Sarkar.

In the first attack, Bishwajit and five others, including Shyamol Biswas, Kamal Sarkar, Sunil Biswas and Susil Sarkar were seriously beaten.

Their second attempt to enter the village was thwarted by villagers, locals said.

Abhoynagar police lodged a case naming 39 accused. After investigation, police submitted a charge sheet accusing 100 people 16 FIR names were dropped.

A number of villagers said many who took part in the attacks were not made accused in the charge sheet. Some of those charge-sheeted secured bails.

Bishwajit, general secretary of ward-9 unit of Prembagh union, said the government had rebuilt 46 houses and renovated 26 others.

The prime minister visited the village on January 23 that year and before her visit they were also brought under national grid while the government built a primary school after purchasing a piece of land. A temporary police camp was built in the village, but they want it to be a permanent one.

Bishwajit said now they wanted to meet the PM as some of their demands -- for a permanent police camp, creation of jobs, lease of a nearby water body -- were still not fulfilled.