Promises of further development work are Awami League contestants' election mantra in Khulna while the BNP candidates are pledging “restoration of democracy”.

BNP aspirants are vocal about freeing party Chairperson Khaleda Zia from jail and giving people “respite from the repressive government”.

They have also promised to “save” the state-owned banks.

Sheikh Salauddin Jewel, AL candidate in Khulna-2 (Sadar and Sonadanga), claimed that his party had carried out massive development work in Khulna.

“Just half a month ago, the Khulna modern railway station was opened, meeting a long-time demand of the people of Khulna,” he told this newspaper.

Jewel promised that if elected, the waterlogging problem in the city would be addressed by recovering grabbed canals. He also promised employment opportunities, war on drugs, and construction and renovation of parks.

Akhteruzzaman Babu, AL candidate in Khulna-6 (Paikgacha-Koyra), said, “Development projects will continue if the people vote AL candidates to power.”

He promised that sustainable dykes would be built to prevent river erosion, a major problem faced by the residents of Paikgacha and Koyra.

AL's Abdus Salam Murshedi in Khulna-4 (Rupsha-Terokhada-Dighalia) promised a hanging bridge over the Bhairab river for smooth journeys from upazilas to Khulna city.

Begum Monnujan Sufian, AL contender in Khulna-3 (Khalishpur-Daulatpur-Khan Jahan Ali), assured implementation of wage commission recommendations for over 24,000 people working in the seven state-owned jute mills in Khulna.

BNP candidate in Khulna-2 Nazrul Islam Monju told The Daily Star that his party had been trying for years to establish people's voting rights and get rid of “autocratic rulers”.

He pledged to eliminate corruption and terrorism and recover “Tk 22,000 crore looted from the state-owned banks”.

BNP aspirant in Khulna-3 Rokibul Islam Bokul said if elected, he would develop Khalishpur and Daulatpur industrial zones to create employment opportunities.

He said he wanted to reopen mills and factories in the area that had been shut down, prioritise the IT sector, ensure medical services and develop roads in his area.

“For youths, I will set up free Wifi zones in parks and other crowded places,” he added.

Azizul Bari Helal, BNP contestant in Khulna-4, said his campaign was focused mainly on getting Khaleda released, restoring democracy, and putting an end to the “misrule of the present government”.

Mia Golam Porwar of Khulna-5 said he was seeking votes with the promises to save people from the “repression of the AL” and harassment like filing of false cases and arbitrary arrests.

The BNP candidate is also highlighting success stories of when he was a lawmaker in the constituency.

The application of "green" concepts holds significant importance across various sectors, including in production and manufacturing, supply chain management, technology, e-commerce, engineering, environment, healthcare, and governance, and others. Bangladesh is considered to be among the nations most susceptible to the impacts of climate change. In order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, the country has already adopted environment-friendly practices in various sectors, particularly in the areas of eco-housing projects, renewable energy, and the readymade garments (RMG) industry. 

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A hazy pre-election atmosphere

But while the national election holds significant importance within Bangladesh, our current election campaign practices remain largely traditional. They include the use of banners, posters, festoons, and loudspeakers, and are not environmentally sustainable. While citizens dream of a clean and healthy country, the posters, banners, and festoons (made with paper or plastic) affect not only the appearance of our surroundings and public health but are also in conflict with the SDGs. So, is it not imperative to think of implementing environmentally conscious election campaign strategies using technology (like telecommunication and social media) in order to safeguard public health and social well-being? This will surely move Bangladesh one step closer to achieving the SDGs and the government's vision of a Smart Bangladesh.

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Posters and publicity syndrome

The use of posters, banners, and festoons is a widespread practice throughout the year in both urban and rural areas. However, it is crucial to consider the consequences of this from an environmental standpoint. I sweetly recall my time spent in Wuhan, China, walking and cycling under the green-adorned flyovers. But, after returning to Dhaka, I find myself seldom exploring the city's roads due to the endless noise of vehicles and the unnecessary use of posters, banners, and festoons along the roadside. 

Although the cost of these materials during campaigns is not known with absolute certainty, the figure can be guessed to not be insignificant. A substantial amount of funds is probably expended by the candidates for these posters and banners, which is not only ecologically irresponsible but there is also no societal benefit derived from the utilisation of these materials. Similarly, the use of loudspeakers is another major issue. Although regulatory agencies point to several restrictions, such as the fact that the use of loudspeakers is strictly prohibited in front of schools, hospitals, and places of prayers, the reality is that these restrictions are usually violated, thus adversely impacting public health.

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Barishal turns into sea of posters

The global landscape now is predominantly symbolised by a technologically-driven atmosphere, with a particular emphasis on telecommunication and social media platforms. A report released by DataReportal on "Digital 2023: Bangladesh" states that, at the beginning of 2023, the number of internet users in Bangladesh totalled 66.94 million, while the number of social media users reached 44.70 million. The latter figure corresponds to approximately 26 percent of the overall population. In early 2023, the number of active cellular network connections in Bangladesh amounted to 179.9 million, representing 104.6 percent of the country's total population. Hence, the utilisation of technology within the context of green election campaigns has the potential to greatly augment the nation's scope, engagement, effectiveness, and overall efficacy in relation to the SDGs and the concept of Digital Bangladesh.

To reach voters, political parties and candidates can embrace digital strategies and enhance their online presence in the digital age. They may make use of live-streaming to interact with citizens, initiate email campaigns, advertise through social media and text messaging, conduct virtual events, and more. Moreover, by broadcasting events, speeches, and development activities, parties and candidates can reach a wider audience and allow citizens to participate remotely. This interactive approach fosters a sense of inclusivity and enables individuals to actively engage with the green election process.

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Why election 2023 needs to be different from the last two

Despite the merits of this approach, the possibility of a breach in cybersecurity cannot be neglected. A data breach might have severe consequences if the relevant stakeholders are unable to adequately safeguard their data. Incidences of hacking and data breaches can be avoided if political parties and candidates take precautions to protect voter information and election campaign data.

However, a green election campaign that prioritises protecting the environment can yield numerous benefits for society. It can result in a cleaner environment and a peaceful community without noise pollution. The prevalence of clean spaces has been shown to have a positive impact on the psychological and physical well-being of citizens. It promotes sustainable living, recycling, waste reduction, and responsible resource consumption. All in all, a green election campaign may boost societal, monetary, and environmental benefits, promoting a more resilient and environmentally conscious society. Ahead of the upcoming national election in Bangladesh, each political party and candidate is accountable to the country to uphold social welfare.  

Dr Najmul Hasan is an assistant professor and researcher of Information Systems at Brac Business School, Brac University.

Abdul Awal, 58, cannot hold back his excitement as for the first time in his life he would be voting in the 11th parliamentary polls on December 30.

Awal is one of the newly registered voters of 59 former enclaves in Lalmonirhat that became Bangladesh's territory through the implementation of Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) in 2015.

“It feels like a dream that my vote will be counted for selecting Bangladesh's government,” said Awal, a resident of Bhitorkuti under Kulaghat union.

Awal recalled how he used to visit the polling centres to witness the festivity centring elections during his childhood. But he never disclosed his identity during those times. “This time I will walk to the centre proudly and be a part of the event.”

Of the 59 former enclaves, which were Indian territory only a few years ago, two are in Kulaghat, two in Gotamari union, and the rest are in Jongra, Kuchlibari, Burimari, Srirampur, Jagatber, and Bawra unions of Patgram upazila.

Of the 10,317 people living in these former enclaves, 6.500 have been registered as voters, according to the district election office.

During a visit to Kulaghat on Monday, this correspondent found most areas covered with posters of the Awami League. Posters of Jatiya Oikyafront were seen at a few places.

Jatiya Party Co-chairman GM Quader is contesting from the Awami League-led 14-party grand alliance against Lalmonirhat BNP President Asadul Habib Dulu in Lalmonirhat-3, which includes Kulaghat union.

Both the candidates were trying to drum up support but they did not show up when the flood hit the area hard in 2014, said some of the locals.

“During the floods, no-one offered a single piece of bread but now they are coming to us seeking votes,” said Ayub Ali, a resident of Banshpochai, Kalughat.

Ayub, however, showed this correspondent the smart card, vulnerable group feeding (VGF) card, and fair price card that he received following the dissolution of the enclaves.

Pointing at the smart card, he said, “Look, the card says I am a Bangladeshi. I will cast my ballot using this card.”

The 50-year-old said his relatives living in the mainland once used to call his family “enclave people” but now no-one dares to do so.

Following the implementation of the LBA on July 31, 2015, the government set up houses, gave electricity connections, distributed VGF cards, VGD (Vulnerable Group development) cards, placed solar panels, constructed roads, tube-wells, toilets, established schools and clinics in some of the remote areas.

Many residents were unhappy as they did not have a candidate contesting with the electoral symbol “boat”, the Awami League's symbol.

Shahtun Khatun, 55, said she was “finally freed from the curse of enclave” because of the initiative by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

Alluding to GM Quader, she said, “Nevertheless, I will vote for her [Hasina's] candidate, I will pick plough [election symbol of Jatiya Party],” said the resident of Bhitorkuti in Kalurghat.

Asadul Hasib Dulu, president of Lalmonirhat BNP and Oikyafront nominee, pledged employment opportunities. Dulu said, “We will focus on education of the residents, including taking responsibility of meritorious but poor students.”

In Lalmonirhat-1, Lalmonirhat Awami League President Motahar Hossain is running. The constituency has 55 former enclaves.

If elected, development of infrastructures would continue in the areas, said Motahar. The Awami League would set up schools, colleges, and create employment opportunities, he added.

Zunaid Ahmed Palak, the Awami League candidate for Natore-3, may have broken the election law by offering cash donation to villagers in his constituency.

At a campaign in Radhanagar village of Singra upazila on Monday, Palak, also state minister for ICT, announced a donation of Tk 2 lakh to fill up a local canal and directed the local leaders and activists to work to that end.

A video clip of his speech was posted on his verified Facebook page the same day.

In another footage posted also on the same day, Palak is seen addressing a gathering at Karachmaria playground where a football match was underway. In his speech, he announced a donation of Tk 10 lakh for the construction of a gallery at the playground.

“I am announcing Tk 10 lakh in donation for the gallery,” he said.

Offering such donations before election is illegal as election laws prohibit any action or comment that may influence voters.

Radhanagar village has been without power since independence. However, just months before the election schedule was announced, authorities there hurriedly set up electric poles and completed wiring at households.

Besides, an 8km road was constructed months ago to connect Radhanagar with neighbouring Singra and Nandigram towns. But, to get on the road, villagers have to cross a canal.

On Monday, Palak told the villagers, “I have no authority just 12 days before the election. Still I will try to bring electricity to you and fill up the canal before the polls,” he said.

“If I cannot, will you punish me?” he said.

As the villagers looked unconvinced, Palak said he would donate Tk 2 lakh to fill up the canal.

Despite repeated attempts over the last three days, The Daily Star could not reach Palak by phone for comments.

But Singra AL President Ohidur Rahman, also Palak's chief election agent, said, “The state minister's speeches did not violate the [electoral] laws. In fact, he announced that he would arrange those funds if he is re-elected and our party is voted to power again. So, the question of violation does not arise.”

BNP leaders allege that AL candidates of Rajshahi region are freely campaigning through Facebook and, in some cases, misusing their power or influencing the voters in violation of the electoral rules.

By contrast, most BNP leaders and activists have been asked to refrain from posting photographs and videos of campaigning on Facebook to avoid trouble, said Rajshahi district BNP chief Tofazzal Hossain Topu.

The BNP also decided not to organise any campaign at some upazilas including Mohonpur in Rajshahi-3, Bagha in Rajshahi-6 and Atrai in Naogaon-6 to avoid confrontation, he added.

Picking a comparatively new face for Jhalakathi-2 and attacks on the candidate have hampered the BNP's election campaign in the constituency, comprising Sadar and Nalchity upazilas.

The party also has to deal with a controversy over the role of the contender's father in the 1971 Liberation War.

The candidate -- Zeeba Amina Khan -- will vie with an Awami League heavyweight, Industries Minister Amir Hossain Amu, in the December 30 polls.

Amu is criticised for not keeping in touch with the voters, said locals, adding that he would also have to face their anti-incumbency sentiments. 

However, the AL is vigorously campaigning on his behalf.

Visiting different areas of Sadar and Nalchity upazilas on Monday, The Daily Star correspondents saw AL leaders and activists conducting electioneering, using megaphones, holding rallies and bringing out processions. AL posters were seen hung almost everywhere.

In a sharp contrast, a district BNP office was found locked and only a few posters of its nominee were seen.

 "There were [BNP] posters in some areas of the town, but those were torn down. However, nothing will stop the BNP [from winning] here. It is waiting for the right time to get on the ground and campaign," said a party supporter in front of the office.

Monirul Islam Nupur, general secretary of Jhalakathi BNP, said they were not being able to campaign properly due to "repeated attacks on our candidate by Awami League men".

Alleged Chhatra League and Jubo League men attacked the motorcade of Zeeba on December 13. The BNP leaders and activists came under another attack the same day when they went to the Returning Officer's Office to lodge a complaint.

A similar attack took place in Nalchity two days later, Nupur said.

"Jhalakathi is a BNP stronghold. If we can cast votes freely until noon [on the voting day], we will win," he told The Daily Star.

After restoration of democracy in 1991, the BNP won in the constituency twice, the Jatiya Party once and Amu thrice (uncontested in 2014 and in bi-polls in 2000).

This time, the BNP had initially fielded Israt Sultana Elen Bhutto, an ex-MP, as its candidate but later nominated Zeeba, a member of the party's central executive committee.

The change came following demands by some local party leaders, who said Bhutto maintained no contacts with the voters in the last 10 years, said party sources.

Asked whether there was any division within the party over the candidate, Nupur said, "We all are united for the restoration of democracy. Bhutto will also join the campaign soon."

Another BNP leader, wishing anonymity, said they were facing difficulties as Zeeba was comparatively a new face. Besides, Bhutto used to get strong support from her upazila, Nalchity.

Amu and Zeeba are both from Sadar upazila.

The AL and its front organisations in the district denied the allegations and blamed BNP's internal conflict for the attacks.

Khan Saifullah Panir, general secretary of Jhalakathi AL, claimed they were getting good response from the voters.

He also said the BNP fielded a "daughter of a Razakar" and people would not vote for her.

On Amu being “aloof” from the voters, he said, "Amu comes to his constituency more than any other central leader of other areas and keeps a close contact with the people."

ZEEBA'S FATHER

Dulal Saha, former deputy commander of Bangladesh Muktijoddha Sangsad in Jhalakathi, alleged that Zeeba's father Akhter Uddin Ahmed was a Muslim League leader and he worked against the Liberation War.

Akhter was a member of AM Malik's cabinet in 1971.

"He fled the area after the war and went to Saudi Arabia via Pakistan," added Dulal, also an adviser to the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal central committee.

He said the Muktijoddha Sangsad of Jhalakathi in 2012 had sent a list of Razakars and other Pakistani collaborators to the International Crimes Tribunal. Akhter was named in the list, he said.

"As a freedom fighter, I can't accept the BNP's decision to field the daughter of anti-liberation person," he added.

Speaking to The Daily Star over phone on Monday, Zeeba said her father was not an "anti-liberation element". She said her father became a member of the AM Malek cabinet "to ensure security of the people".

Insisting that her father did not commit any crimes, Zeeba claimed that he got general amnesty declared by the Bangabandhu administration after the war.

According to records, out of 37,000 people sent to jail on charges of collaborating with the enemy, about 26,000 were freed following the amnesty declared on November 30, 1973.

Zeeba claimed that her father had been in Bangladesh until 1974.