BNP will form a judicial commission to reform the judiciary, the party promised in the election manifesto unveiled today.
It will place the control of the lower judiciary on the Supreme Court instead of the president through amendment of the constitution.
It will put in place a institutional system to appoint efficient judges to remove the current case backlog, the party said in its manifesto.
The student-public uprising of July-August 2024 in Bangladesh, which culminated in the ousting of Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian government, defies the conventional narratives surrounding democratic movements. Unlike classic political revolutions, this uprising did not forge a new collective language centered on ideals like democracy or pluralism. Instead, it was propelled by a singular and organically emerging objective: removing an increasingly authoritarian regime. The movement's success hinged not on a visionary articulation of a shared future but on a pragmatic alignment of political, social, and civic forces around a common goal.
For years, Bangladesh's political landscape had been dominated by the toxic binaries of "pro-Liberation" versus "anti-Liberation" forces, a narrative deftly deployed by the ruling Awami League to marginalise opposition parties. The anti-discrimination student movement that spearheaded this summer's protests managed to challenge and neutralise this binary opposition. Their slogan, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar! Who said so? Who said so? Dictator! Dictator!"—with 'razakars' referring to collaborators with the Pakistani army during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War—served as a powerful tool to dismantle the Awami League's divisive rhetoric. This seemingly simple yet powerful slogan created a rare public space where individuals from various political backgrounds, including those previously silenced or stigmatised, could voice their grievances.
Yet, despite this, it would be a mistake to overemphasise the role of language or slogans in the success of the uprising. The real driver of the movement was bound by the urgent, shared goal of toppling an oppressive regime that had, for over a decade and a half, used state power to repress political dissent, co-opt civil society, and silence opposition. The deaths of more than 400 Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) activists during the protests signalled the high stakes of the movement, but their involvement was notably subdued. Their participation was largely concealed under the broader banner of student-led protests.
This raises a critical question: why did the student-public uprising succeed where established political parties like the BNP failed, despite their shared goal of regime change? The answer lies in a deep-seated political distrust that had taken root among the Bangladeshi public. For years, parties like the BNP had struggled to build movements capable of galvanising widespread support. Their language of democracy and pluralism rang hollow in a society that had become disillusioned with the very notion of political integrity. The public's willingness to engage with traditional parties had been eroded by decades of political corruption, entrenched narratives of division, and the government's effective use of the 'development' discourse to mask civic disenfranchisement.
The student movement, in contrast, benefited from its lack of established political identity. It was not weighed down by a history of electoral losses, internal corruption, or failed attempts at coalition-building. By leading a protest against discrimination in government recruitment—an issue that resonated deeply with young people frustrated by the lack of opportunities—the students managed to unify disparate groups. The movement's strength was its ability to articulate the public's growing discontent with an authoritarian regime that had long disrespected its citizens, masked by claims of national development.
The fall of Sheikh Hasina's government was the ultimate, if unspoken, objective that united both political actors and non-political participants in the movement. While the initial demands focused on reforming the civil service quota system, the government's brutal response to peaceful protests quickly expanded the movement's scope to shift focus from from social reform to outright regime change. By early August, the call for Sheikh Hasina's resignation had become the movement's de facto singular objective, even though this demand was formally declared only weeks after the protests began.
Rather than a shared aspiration for democracy or pluralism, the movement's true collective language was the common desire to end authoritarian rule. It was not a vision of a future democratic state that unified protesters; it was a rejection of the present authoritarian regime and the repressive tactics it employed.
Ironically, the student movement's success in crafting a public space where diverse political actors could rally under a common banner also sowed the seeds of future divisions. Without a shared understanding of what should follow Sheikh Hasina's removal, ideological divisions re-emerged and triggered internal conflicts within the movement. This is not unusual in movements focused primarily on opposition to a common enemy rather than a shared vision of governance.
The post-uprising disunity highlights an essential truth about political revolutions: the language that unites a movement in opposition is often insufficient to sustain it in power. The lack of a deeper, collective vision for Bangladesh's future beyond the remarkable fall of Sheikh Hasina reflects the fact that the student movement, despite its success, did not generate a new political language for the country.
After Sheikh Hasina's ouster, Bangladesh faces a critical juncture: developing an inclusive political language to tackle corruption, civic disenfranchisement, and social inequality. While the student movement toppled the regime, it did not—and perhaps could not—lay the foundation for a democratic future, which requires a broader reimagining of the political landscape.
In sum, the July-August 2024 uprising in Bangladesh shows that a clear and simple goal—removing an authoritarian regime—can unite diverse actors, but the real challenge ahead is building a sustainable and inclusive political future, for which the country still seeks its collective language.
Dr Kazi A S M Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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Seven political parties, including the BNP and Jamaat, yesterday said Prof Muhammad Yunus-led interim government can take the time necessary for creating an atmosphere conducive to holding a free and fair election.
Along with the BNP and Jamaat, Amar Bangladesh Party, two factions of Gono Adhikar Parishad, Bangladesh Jatiya Party, and National Democratic Movement told Prof Yunus this at separate meetings in the state guest house Jamuna.
During the meetings, in which advisers Asif Nazrul, Adilur Rahman, Farida Akhter, Nahid Islam, and Asif Mahmud were present, the parties were asked if the National Day of Mourning should be observed and whether August 15 should remain a public holiday.
Sources who were present at the meetings said all the parties opined that August 15 should not be observed as a day of mourning, and the public holiday is not needed.
However, no decision was made in this regard, they said.
Emerging from the meeting, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, who led an eight-member delegation to the meeting, told journalists, "We have given this interim government the time required to create a proper environment for holding an election."
He said they did not discuss the election and that the BNP did not mention any specific time frame for holding the next election.
Fakhrul said his party was extending its full support to all the activities of the interim government.
Sources in the BNP said the party urged the chief adviser to have all the cases against its leaders, including those against party chairperson Khaleda Zia and acting chairman Tarique Rahman, withdrawn.
Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman, who led an 11-member delegation to the meeting, told the media that his party's discussions with the interim government focused on national issues, not party specifics.
"We are hopeful that the interim government will solve various problems within a reasonable time," he said.
Andaleeve Rahman Partho, chairman of the Bangladesh Jatiya Party (BJP), said, "The fall of the Awami League [government] occurred through a revolution, and it will take some time for the situation to stabilise.
"For the last 15 years, everything the Awami League government did was illegal. Now, it's time to repair the state. We don't want to rush to an election. Whatever good this government does, we will support."
Chairman Bobby Hajjaj of National Democratic Movement (NDM) said, "We urged the advisers to remove the representatives in local governments and appoint administrators.
"We suggested changing the deputy commissioners and superintendents of police, and reforms to the Election Commission.
"We have received assurance from the chief adviser that neither the Awami League nor its people will be given power."
The convener of a faction of Gono Odhikar Parishad, Reza Kibria, said, "The interim government will work for as long as it takes to stabilise the situation in the country and create an environment conducive to polls."
Nurul Haque Nur, who led another faction of the Gono Odhikar Parishad, said they placed a 14-point demand before the chief adviser. "We have urged the swift implementation of reforms and preparation of a roadmap for national elections."
ON AUGUST 15
AB Party Convener AFM Solaiman Chowdhury, who led a three-member team at the meeting, said observing National Day of Mourning goes against the spirit of the proclamation of independence and the July uprising.
"Actually, we had only one thing on the agenda at today's meeting -- whether August 15 should be observed as national mourning day," party's Joint Member-secretary Asaduzzaman Fuaad told The Daily Star.
"This administration is an extraordinary government that took over following the mass uprising and ouster of a dictatorial regime. Therefore, the mood and feelings of the student and young protesters on the streets should be respected," Fuaad said he had told the chief adviser.
The party argued that no public holiday is observed for Abraham Lincoln or the founding fathers of the US or Winston Churchill in Britain.
Reza Kibria said, "There is no reason to have a holiday on August 15. We know that the Awami League tried to make August a month of mourning for us, but we liberated the country and regained independence on August 5. Therefore, it is necessary to cancel the public holiday.
"Today's discussion mainly focused on observing August 15. There is no justification for this day. Dr Yunus will make the final decision on whether this day will be observed."
Nur said, "We have requested a review of various important decisions made by the government…
"All political parties that participated in today's meetings, including ours, have said that August is a month of national revolution. We want to observe this month as a month of revolution. It is not a month of mourning. It is a month of happiness and peace."
The Awami League has been observing the day of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's assassination as National Day of Mourning. In 2001, the BNP-led four-party coalition government cancelled the holiday.
However, the High Court later ruled that the cancellation of the holiday was invalid.
This was the first day of meetings between the chief adviser and different political parties since Yunus-led interim government took office on August 8 following the fall of Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government on August 5.
Ganatantra Mancha and Islami Andolan also had meetings with the chief adviser yesterday, but this paper could not reach them for comments.
BNP’s top policymaker Nazrul Isalm Khan today claimed that the government is obstructing the environment of free and fair national election.
BNP leaders and activists are still getting obstructed, Khan, chairman of the party’s election management committee, said at a press conference.
The court has cancelled the candidacy of 16 BNP contestants after the election commission gave them validity, he said. The declaration came at the last moment.
“There was no time to give replacement candidates. The EC has conspired to gift those 16 constituencies to Awami League,” he alleged.
Dhaka city dwellers are leaving the city for their home in masses ahead of the upcoming general election to be held on Sunday.
The home rush began yesterday, as the two weekends, today and tomorrow, make up an ideal three-day holiday to visit ancestral homes.
Because many of the dwellers are voters of their home districts, they must travel back to their home land to cast their ballot and exercise their franchise.
READ MORE: Festive atmosphere indeed!!
People were seen gathering on all the exit points of the city. Gabtoli, Kamlapur and Sadarghat were teeming with outbound people since this morning.
The home-goers are expecting to enjoy happy times with their near and dear ones along with exercising their democratic rights to vote.
Determined to foil the Awami League's bid to hold a large rally marking Noor Hossain Day, leaders and activists of the anti-discrimination student movement and BNP have taken position in front of the Awami League's central office on Bangabandhu Avenue and around Zero Point.
BNP leaders and activists were marching along the Bangabandhu Avenue and other streets in the area since morning.
Meanwhile, the students started gathering at Zero Point in Gulistan under the banner of "Fascism Resistance Platform" around 12:00pm, Amran Hossain, a photojournalist of The Daily Star, reports from the spot.
He said BNP processions have been going round Noor Hossain Square since 10:30am.
Amran said BNP activists identified three people as Awami League activists at Noor Hossain Square and handed them over to the police.
Key coordinators of the movement vowed to prevent "fascist Awami League" from holding a public demonstration. The students took control of streets around the Zero Point from early morning where Noor Hossain had been shot dead by the police on November 10, 1987, while protesting against military dictator General Ershad.
Ironically Noor Hossain, hailed as a champion of democracy and an inspiration of many a protester, was a leader of Awami League's youth front, the Jubo League.
The student movement against discrimination announced a mass gathering at Zero Point in the Dhaka's Gulistan today, demanding trial of the Awami League.
The student body came up with the announcement a day after the Awami League urged its leaders and activists to gather at Noor Hossain Chattar (Zero Point) at 3:00pm today to observe the Shaheed Noor Hossain Day.
Meanwhile, several political organisations including the National Democratic Front of Bangladesh, Bangladesh Workers Federation, Left Democratic Alliance, and Socialist Students' Front, have paid tributes to Noor Hossain yesterday, according to UNB report.
The leaders and activists of the parties gathered at Noor Hossain Square last evening and placed wreaths there, the report added.
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