Photo: Anvil Chakma, Amran Hossain, Orchid Chakma, Sk Enamul Haq

A voter who had his national ID card talks to the presiding officer of Viqarunnisa Noon School & College polling centre yesterday after being told he was not a voter of that centre. The man despite being a local was denied at two polling centres. He eventually left without casting his vote.

A woman shows her smart national ID card at Shishubagh School polling centre in Narayanganj. 4. Voters asking a party activist for their serial numbers at Khilgaon Model College centre in Dhaka.

Voters asking a party activist for their serial numbers at Khilgaon Model College centre in Dhaka.

Alleged ruling party men storm a polling booth at the Ideal School and College centre in Motijheel but police eventually drove them away.

Along with his brother and Awami League nominee AK Abdul Momen, Finance Minister AMA Muhith goes to Durghakumar Primary School polling station in Sylhet city to vote.

Oikyafront candidate for Dhaka-8 Mirza Abbas having his blood pressure checked at his Shahjahanpur home yesterday.

The High Court today transferred the trial proceedings of a corruption case against BNP leader Barrister Moudud Ahmed from the Metropolitan Senior Special Judge’s Court of Dhaka to another court.

The bench of Justice Obaidul Hassan and Justice SM Kuddus Zaman passed the order following a petition filed by Barrister Moudud seeking transfer of the case from the court of Judge KM Imrul Kayes of Metropolitan Senior Special Judge’s Court to any other court.

The HC, however, did not disclose the name of the court where it transferred the case, Barrister Moudud told The Daily Star.

The name of the court will be known when the HC releases the full text of its order, he said.

Earlier in July last year, Moudud Ahmed had expressed no confidence in Judge Imrul Kayes.

On July 25 last year, Moudud said that the HC had transferred this case from the court of Judge KM Imrul Kayes to the court of the then Metropolitan Senior Special Judge of Dhaka Kamrul Hossain Mollah.

Later, Judge Kamrul Hossain Mollah got appointed as a High Court judge and Judge KM Imrul Kayes succeeded him as the judge of Metropolitan Senior Special Judge of Dhaka, he said.

The Anti- Corruption Commission (ACC) had filed the corruption case against him in order to harass him, he added.

On September 16, 2007, the ACC filed the case against Moudud with Gulshan Police Station on charges of amassing wealth beyond the known sources of his income and withholding information about his assets.

The first information report (FIR) of the case said Moudud showed movable and immovable properties worth over Tk 13.23 crore in his wealth statement submitted to the ACC on July 23, 2007.

On May 15, 2008, the ACC pressed charges against Moudud in the case alleging that he amassed wealth worth over Tk 7.38 crore through illegal means and concealed information about wealth worth over Tk 4.40 crore from the commission.

Barrister Moudud Ahmed himself moved the petition, while Advocate Khurshid Alam Khan appeared for the ACC.

We are heartened by the message given by BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir who, in an interview with the UNB news agency, voiced support for Awami League's right to exist as a party and participate in elections. "Why should the Awami League be excluded from the polls if we truly want democracy? If an old political party like the Awami League wants to participate in the polls, people should have the chance to determine their fate," he said. He also suggested that the tendency to ban parties from the political processes comes from a "flawed" understanding that is neither right nor practical, referring to past attempts in Bangladesh and elsewhere.

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BNP faces the weight of history and expectations

This is a refreshing gesture that contrasts sharply with the deeply entrenched culture of exclusion and political revenge that has long characterised our politics. One may recall how ruling parties in the past, not excluding BNP, often used state machinery and bellicose rhetoric to undermine opposition voices. In fact, it was Awami League that led a sustained campaign of political subjugation throughout its 15-year rule. It is too early to say if BNP's public support for Awami League's democratic rights means the beginning of a departure from that tradition. But its message of inclusivity and reconciliation is something that the country needs at the moment.

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Can a Third Way politics transform Bangladesh?

That said, we do hope that BNP will take this positivity beyond public statements. To truly fulfil the democratic aspirations of the people and credibly support the ongoing reform drive by the interim government, it is crucial that political parties embrace internal reforms to help crystalise their visions for the country. Because, without building a political system that is responsive, accountable, and reflective of people's desires, state reforms—no matter how radical—cannot bring about much change. And BNP, as the leading party in the country now, has a major role to play in this.

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Reforms needed in political parties and the electoral process in Bangladesh

BNP has yet to share a roadmap for internal party reforms in tune with the spirit of the mass uprising. Since August 5, we have come across multiple reports on how BNP-affiliated leaders, activists and professional groups attempted to take over various establishments, businesses, and sectors formerly occupied by their Awami League counterparts, fueled by their confidence that the party is returning to power. That is a troubling development, mirroring corrupt and authoritarian tendencies from the past. The challenge for BNP then is to differentiate itself from the regime it helped to topple, which it can do by undertaking internal reforms and building a political consensus for the broader changes necessary to strengthen our democratic institutions.

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A call to end the cycle of revenge politics

Ultimately, its ability to embrace and implement political reforms will be the true test of its commitment to a better, more democratic Bangladesh. That goes for all other political parties as well.

This week marks one year of the incumbent Election Commission (EC) in office, which also coincided with the National Voters' Day. Far from being an occasion for celebration, however, the reigning mood appears to be one of trepidation, with the general election less than a year away. The biggest worry is, will people again be denied the opportunity to exercise their franchise? As things stand, it seems unlikely that the EC will succeed in holding free and fair elections. Despite all the talk of creating a level playing field for the political parties, so far, it has failed to make any progress in that respect. The ruling Awami League has routinely gotten away with obstructing political programmes held by BNP in the most blatant of ways.

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EC in second year must do a better job

While demands made by the ruling party have been given priority over the concerns expressed by the opposition – for example, over the use of electronic voting machines (EVMs) – another factor that is of great concern is the negligible involvement of voters in the election process. Tussles between the main political parties have dominated the election narrative ever since this EC took over a year ago, just like they did during the tenures of the previous two ECs. And the role and space for voters have continued to shrink to historic lows. The appalling voter turnout in recent local elections and parliamentary by-polls illustrated the lack of confidence in the EC's ability – partly due to the partisan role of the administration and partly due to its own unwillingness to take firm action – to oversee a fair transfer of power. That, of course, should come as no surprise after what happened during the last two general elections of 2014 and 2018.

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AL needs to hold accountable its members

Besides the endless political controversies, harassment and intimidation of voters, denying them the chance to vote for their preferred candidates and, in some cases, forcing them to vote for specific candidates, fraudulent voting in secret booths, ballot-box stuffing, and many other irregularities during the last two elections have all but destroyed our democratic process, as well as voters' willingness to participate in such farcical exercises. Unfortunately, despite initial promise, the current EC has been unable to reverse that perception with its questionable handling of election-related irregularities. Many have rightly raised the question that if the EC cannot control the administration and law enforcement personnel during local elections, what hope does it have of doing so during the general elections where the stakes are much higher?

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Attacks on BNP are condemnable

The EC itself has done little to alleviate such concerns. And the recent statement by the chief election commissioner – that political parties should participate in the election of their own volition, as the EC cannot do anything more to persuade them – is deeply worrying. How can the EC expect that when the conditions it has created so far are nowhere near satisfactory? For the sake of our democracy – or whatever is left of it anyway – the EC must do more to fulfil its constitutional mandate. It must ensure that power is returned to the people after two controversial and largely non-participatory elections.