A longstanding political crisis surrounding the 12th parliamentary election has unsurprisingly transformed into a violent conflict. As this crisis deepens and widens—with increasing collateral loss of lives, properties, political and governance values, and public morale—where it may lead us is anyone's guess, except that the scope is expanding incessantly for a stronger foothold of undemocratic forces.

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Why the hasty delivery of 'justice' for opposition members?

As unbearable as things are for the common people, and as ominous as they seem for the future of democracy, all rituals appear nearly completed by the Election Commission (EC) to move ahead with an election that is likely to be anything but inclusive. This conclusion can be drawn from the repeated assertions of our chief election commissioner (CEC) that what matters is the election, rather than who participates in it or does not. If or when such a facade of an election takes place, there will be no shortage of statements of success and satisfaction by the EC, which will be in tune with those whose design it has been to sustain the monopolistic capture of Bangladesh's political and governance space.

The EC is not the sole authority for ensuring free, fair, inclusive and credible elections, expected to be delivered in sync with the commitment and collective effort of the election-time government (ETG), law enforcement agencies, administration, political parties and other stakeholders like media and civil society. But in the EC's hands is undeniably vested the most crucial and strategic role. The question is whether the EC can unburden itself of the implications of a non-inclusive election.

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How to judge the Election Commission’s performance

When the CEC said, during the November 4 meeting with some political parties, that the EC has no mandate to resolve the political crisis, he may have been partially correct. The build-up of the political crisis, including its violent side, was designed by all actors involved in the zero-sum game of politics, where election and related activism are about a guaranteed stay in or ascendance to power. The crisis must therefore be resolved by those who have designed, and fueled it, namely the political parties and their powerbase institutions and agencies. And these do not prima facie include the EC. But the question is: has the EC played its due role, which could have prevented the crisis? Or have its actions—or rather inactions—contributed to it?

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Teamwork is the key to a good election

When the CEC asserts that the commission has nothing to do if some parties do not participate in the polls, he is not only self-contradictory, but also grossly wrong. Not so long ago, he clearly stated that if any of the major political parties do not take part in the election, it will lose credibility. At another event, when talking to international media, CEC Habibul Awal said that without the participation of BNP, the election will be incomplete. Then again, while speaking to officials of the administration and law enforcement agencies, the CEC advised that it does not matter who comes or doesn't to the election; as long as the voters cast their votes, that itself will be a big success.

It is unclear whether the CEC's exclusive reliance on voter turnout represents a deliberate lack of understanding of the fact that, as crucial as voter turnout is, creating a level playing field for a free, fair, and inclusive election is a sine qua non of voter confidence. If, however, the design includes doctored turnout rates, it is of course a different ball game.

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What should an election-time government look like?

In its September 2022 work plan for the 12th parliamentary election, the EC placed "inclusiveness"—defined as "active participation of all registered political parties"—highest on the list of its election objectives. On top of the list of challenges was the creation of trust within political parties for the election-time government and the EC itself. More importantly, the commission also committed that it would make appropriate recommendations to the government, particularly to ensure unrestricted participation of all political parties in the election. But all it has done in this regard was calling upon all political parties to participate in the election.

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A fragile institution with a strong legal framework

The EC has clearly bypassed the key mandate and responsibility of holding an inclusive election, which it had determined as the highest priority in its work plan. The frustration around the EC's inaction on this critical issue is accentuated by the fact that the commission takes pride in having made a set of recommendations for legal amendments to the government, which were adopted in parliament, even though some of the changes are widely considered to have curtailed the commission's own authority. These include the repeal of the power to cancel the election of a whole constituency. But, as the EC claims success in persuading the government to amend some laws, why has it refrained from recommending other more crucial legal changes that could ensure a level playing field for political parties during and before the election?

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For successful polls, administrative overhaul is a must

In particular, why did the EC fail to propose to the government (and other stakeholders) legal changes that could address key issues around the neutral, non-partisan, and conflict-of-interest-free role of the ETG? Why—beyond open-ended, agenda-less, and practically ritualistic "invitations" to the political parties—did the EC not present a set of proposals for legal changes to help achieve the most important objective of an inclusive election (as identified in its own work plan)?

The EC may want to face the mirror to ask if it has met the standards it had set for itself, and whether their actions have appreciated its value for its own credibility. It could at least be on a stronger moral footing by trying to address the crucial issue that was well within its jurisdiction and work plan. Instead, our election commission will now have to assume the responsibility of a non-inclusive election and the unpredictable consequences thereof.

Iftekharuzzaman is the executive director of Transparency International Bangladesh.

Police yesterday arrested two more people for their alleged involvement in the gang rape of a woman in Noakhali's Subarnachar upazila. 

They are Hasan Ali Bulu and Jashim Uddin. Their names were not mentioned in the first information report, but police held them based on information gleaned from other arrested accused.

Elias Sharif, superintendent of Noakhali police, said a team from Char Jabbar Police Station arrested Bulu in Chattogram city's West Madarbari area around noon. Another team held Jashim from Nazirhat in the morning. 

With the two, seven people, including Awami League leader Ruhul Amin who allegedly ordered his accomplices to rape the mother of four for voting for “sheaf of paddy”, have been arrested in connection with the rape that sparked protest and condemnation.

Four of them were mentioned in the FIR. Nine people were sued over the incident.    

The name of Ruhul, also a former union parishad member, was not included in the FIR.

Talking to reporters, the SP said Bulu was the personal assistant to Ruhul. During investigation, it was revealed that Bulu had hired people for Tk 10,000 to rape the woman.

The police officer also said Bulu had an altercation with the victim at a polling station in Sunday's national election and he also threatened her following the quarrel.

“Whoever is the offender will not be spared,” the SP said, adding that they would arrest others involved in the incident soon.

“They will submit a charge sheet of the case and ensure trial of the case at the Speedy Trial Tribunal.”  

The woman was gang-raped allegedly by 10 to 12 accomplices of Ruhul, who is the publicity affairs secretary of Subarnachar AL, at her home early Monday.

Meanwhile, expressing deep concern over the rape, Gonoforum President Dr Kamal Hossain yesterday said, “This incident put our democratic and fundamental rights, and the freedom of expression under threat.”

“The incident made us disgraceful as a nation. Such an incident is difficult to imagine in any democratic country.”

He also demanded the perpetrators be brought to book, said a press release of Gonoforum.

A team of Left Democratic Alliance yesterday visited Noakhali General Hospital where the 35-year-old victim was being treated.

It demanded immediate arrest of the culprits and their punishment through quick trial.

Protesting the rape, Chhatra League (JSD-Ambia), student body of a faction of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal led by Sharif Nurul Ambia, formed a human chain in front of Raju Memorial Sculpture on Dhaka University campus yesterday.

In another development, a delegation of 15 senior BNP leaders, led by its Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, will visit Noakhali General Hospital today to enquire about the victim, said a release.

BNP today alleged that the Election Commission (EC) is not allowing army personnel in discharging their duties to improve the law and order situation.  

“The Election Commission is not allowing the army personnel to work independently,” BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Rizvi Ahmed said while addressing a press conference at the party’s Nayapaltan central office in Dhaka.

Citing several instances of attack on BNP candidates, Rizvi alleged, “All the incidents are taking place under the supervision of the prime minister and the chief election commissioner.” 

Rizvi also blasted Awami League President Sheikh Hasina for her comment that the opposition quarter may unleash subversive activities ahead of the election.

“It is well-known to all that AL is a production house of elevated lies,” the BNP leader said.

Rivzi said members of different law enforcement agencies along with the ruling party men have created a terrifying situation by carrying out attacks on the BNP leaders and activists across the country.

The ruling party cadres with the help of police yesterday carried out attacks on BNP candidates and their activists and drove their poling agents, workers and supporters out of their own areas, he said.

Rizvi, also spokesperson of BNP, claimed that around 10,833 leaders and activists of the party were detained since the announcement of the polls schedule on November 8.

Alongside, the ruling party activists carried out around 2,896 attacks on BNP men that left nine people dead, the BNP leader claimed.

Despite this, the countrymen have united in favour of the “Sheaf of Paddy” symbol by forming resistances at different places ahead of the election, he added.

WHAT DID PRIME MINISTER SHEIKH HASINA SAY?

Sheikh Hasina yesterday said that the opposition BNP appeared to have sensed their defeat in the December 30 elections which could lead them to sabotage the polls.

“Remain careful about any subversive activity of BNP and their cohorts,” Sheikh Hasina said, wrapping up the election campaign for her Awami League and the ruling party-led Grand Alliance as she addressed four election rallies outside through video conferencing.

Apart from this, an Awami League delegation on the same day handed over a written complaint to the Election Commission (EC) alleging that the BNP-Jamaat alliance was engaged in conspiracies over the Sunday's election to unleash anarchy and violence across the country today.

As the country gears up for the 12th parliamentary election, it is disheartening to see the landscape marred by laminated and polythene-coated posters, despite a ban on their use by the Election Commission. The problem has been especially prevalent in Dhaka which has been plastered with such posters mostly by ruling party candidates, and to a lesser degree by independents and candidates from smaller parties. The plastic coating is apparently used to protect posters from being ruined by fog. But that doesn't justify breaching a ban meant to reduce the environmental cost of election campaigning.

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It’s time for election campaigns to go green

The proliferation of such posters, however, is but part of a wider concern about environmental degradation in conventional campaigns. Besides plastic pollution, candidates have also been seen using high-volume microphones and loud music across the city, causing discomfort to the public, especially vulnerable groups like the sick, children, and the elderly. The wide distribution of promotional materials like caps and leaflets, which are invariably thrown away, or irresponsible use of disposable items like cups and plates by supporters is also posing a threat to the health of the city.

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Voters without choice are just glorified dummies

This is totally unacceptable. Candidates, many among them future lawmakers, are expected to lead by example, not encourage or be themselves engaged in breaching environmental regulations. Unfortunately, despite having the scope for alternative, modern campaigning practices using digital platforms, our politicians still seem to prefer conventional methods of public engagement. According to a study by the Environment and Social Development Organization (ESDO), the 2020 mayoral election in Dhaka saw the use of a staggering 340 million plastic-coated posters. The number could double this time, the ESDO warns. During a visit to a number of constituencies in Dhaka, our reporter saw plastic-coated posters being used indiscriminately.

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A Potemkin election in Bangladesh?

Who will take responsibility for the environmental repercussions of such actions? Why is the Election Commission failing to prevent them, or punish non-compliant candidates and parties? Experts talked about the importance of including the ban on plastic use in campaigns, imposed on December 25, in the electoral code of conduct. While this may be the appropriate thing to do, the fact is, without proper enforcement, no amount of lawmaking is good enough. While we expect the EC, particularly returning officers, to play an effective role in ensuring compliance of electoral rules, it is the candidates who must recognise their responsibility in this regard and ensure environmentally friendly campaigning practices.