As the country gears up for the 12th parliamentary election, it is disheartening to see the landscape marred by laminated and polythene-coated posters, despite a ban on their use by the Election Commission. The problem has been especially prevalent in Dhaka which has been plastered with such posters mostly by ruling party candidates, and to a lesser degree by independents and candidates from smaller parties. The plastic coating is apparently used to protect posters from being ruined by fog. But that doesn't justify breaching a ban meant to reduce the environmental cost of election campaigning.

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It’s time for election campaigns to go green

The proliferation of such posters, however, is but part of a wider concern about environmental degradation in conventional campaigns. Besides plastic pollution, candidates have also been seen using high-volume microphones and loud music across the city, causing discomfort to the public, especially vulnerable groups like the sick, children, and the elderly. The wide distribution of promotional materials like caps and leaflets, which are invariably thrown away, or irresponsible use of disposable items like cups and plates by supporters is also posing a threat to the health of the city.

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Voters without choice are just glorified dummies

This is totally unacceptable. Candidates, many among them future lawmakers, are expected to lead by example, not encourage or be themselves engaged in breaching environmental regulations. Unfortunately, despite having the scope for alternative, modern campaigning practices using digital platforms, our politicians still seem to prefer conventional methods of public engagement. According to a study by the Environment and Social Development Organization (ESDO), the 2020 mayoral election in Dhaka saw the use of a staggering 340 million plastic-coated posters. The number could double this time, the ESDO warns. During a visit to a number of constituencies in Dhaka, our reporter saw plastic-coated posters being used indiscriminately.

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A Potemkin election in Bangladesh?

Who will take responsibility for the environmental repercussions of such actions? Why is the Election Commission failing to prevent them, or punish non-compliant candidates and parties? Experts talked about the importance of including the ban on plastic use in campaigns, imposed on December 25, in the electoral code of conduct. While this may be the appropriate thing to do, the fact is, without proper enforcement, no amount of lawmaking is good enough. While we expect the EC, particularly returning officers, to play an effective role in ensuring compliance of electoral rules, it is the candidates who must recognise their responsibility in this regard and ensure environmentally friendly campaigning practices.

BNP has demanded that the government cancel its recent decision to hike price of gas by 22.78 percent.

When soaring price of daily commodities is causing immense public suffering, the increase in the price of gas will be a big blow to them, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said today at a press conference at the party chairperson's office in Gulshan, Dhaka.

At the press conference, the BNP general secretary also announced a three-day protest against the price hike of the essential commodities, and gas.

The programme includes demonstrations at all metropolitan areas, including Dhaka, on June 9, at district headquarters on June 11, and at the upazila level on June 13.

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Govt hikes gas tariff by 22.8pc

Mirza Fakhrul said that BNP's standing committee meeting took the decision on the three-day protest programme.

All the associate bodies of BNP will join the programme, Fakhrul said.

Bangladesh's energy regulator has decided to increase gas price by 22.78 percent for all users, on average. The gas price hike will be applicable from June.

Since the newly formed interim government has taken charge, emergence of an impartial democratic governance has become the sine qua non for restoration of public trust in the electoral system. Since August 5, in a significant overhaul of the local administration, the interim government dismissed 876 elected representatives nationwide. To fill these positions, administrators were appointed in 61 districts, 495 upazilas, and 330 municipalities, largely replacing those who had served under the previous Awami League (AL) government. In addition to the removal of seven previously appointed municipal administrators, 323 municipal mayors were also dismissed.

The administration is also being shaken up with at least five mid-ranking police officials, who were arbitrarily dismissed or sent into forced resignation during the tenure of AL, being reinstated. The chief justice, five justices, top police officials, and the central bank governor—all have gone into retirement, yet there has been no change in the bedrock of the country's democratic governance i.e., the Bangladesh Election Commission (EC).

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The alterations we need in our Election Commission

Questions have been raised about the current Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Kazi Habibul Awal and his colleagues, following the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government. Despite his overseeing the 2024 general election, widely criticised for irregularities and bias, the CEC continues to hold his position at a time when the growing national sentiment is that a new, impartial EC is essential to restore confidence in the electoral process.

Over the past 53 years, Bangladesh has struggled to build a strong electoral system. While elections overseen by caretaker governments since the transition to parliamentary democracy in 1991 were generally considered to be free, fair, and participative, those conducted under political administrations of the ruling AL often lacked credibility due to interference by the government. Same thing happened when the then ruling BNP tried to manipulate the infamous Magura by-polls in 1994.

The electoral system took a significant turn in 2011 when the Sheikh Hasina-led AL abolished the constitutional requirement for a caretaker government through the 15th amendment. This decision led to a boycott of the 2014 general election by BNP and other opposition parties which was marred by violence, voter suppression, and allegations of government crackdowns on opposition leaders. More than half of the seats i.e. 153 out of 300 were uncontested and won by the single ruling party candidates. From 2014 to 2024, the country's electoral landscape has been defined by a series of controversial elections with poor participation, political repression, and concerns over the state of democracy.

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Of the AL, for the AL, and by the AL

Similarly, under former CEC KM Nurul Huda, the 2018 election marked the introduction of electronic voting machines (EVMs) which became a source of controversy with a turnout of 80 percent with the AL, in alliance with the Jatiya Party (JP), securing over 90 percent of the parliamentary seats. Observers reported significant irregularities, such as voter intimidation, ballot stuffing, and occupation of polling booths, raising serious doubts about the integrity of the electoral process and the role of the EC. In 2020, 42 prominent citizens called on the then President Abdul Hamid to establish a Supreme Judicial Council to investigate allegations of misconduct, including financial corruption, against the EC led by KM Nurul Huda.

In 2023, the EC's widely publicised dialogue with registered parties occurred with many expecting the EC to first enable the BNP to freely decide on participating. Instead, the EC considered its duty fulfilled by simply delivering an invitation to the BNP's empty, locked office. Additionally, TIB published a report on the 12th National Parliament Election criticising EC for failing to ensure fairness, transparency, and competitiveness.

The 2024 general election was widely seen as a repeat of previous polls, with an exceptionally low turnout of 27 percent, and the AL poised for another victory. These issues highlight ongoing concerns about the EC's ability to conduct credible elections, yet the EC seems mostly oblivious of its role in the flawed electoral processes. According to Articles 118(4) and 126 of the Constitution of Bangladesh, along with Article 4 of the Representation of the People Order, 1972, the EC is an independent constitutional body, accountable only to the constitution and relevant laws. Given this, it is crucial for the CEC and the EC led by him to uphold democratic principles.

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How do we describe the upcoming election?

On August 24, the CEC wrote a column for Samakal expressing concerns about the constitutional requirement for the EC to conduct general elections within 90 days, as mandated by Article 123(3)(b) of the constitution. He warned that failure to do so could be considered a grave offense under Article 7A, potentially punishable by death. However, he also acknowledged the impossibility of holding elections within this timeframe under current circumstances, likening the situation to "the sword of Damocles hanging over one's head." Given the complexity of the situation, looming crises, and the fact that elections overseen by the EC in the past 15 years have eroded public trust, he and his colleagues should have resigned immediately without waiting for either a call from the president or any other corner who they would have difficulty ignoring.

The interim government needs to rebuild electoral institutions starting with an independent election commission free from political influence. This is an opportunity to restore citizens' trust in elections by creating a sustainable, transparent electoral process that puts power back in the hands of the people. Hence, it is difficult to understand why the current CEC and his colleagues are not submitting resignations as opposed to being asked to do so. Do they really believe that any further election will be held under their stewardship? Or are the salary, benefits, perks and privileges they enjoy too good to be not enjoyed until shown the door?

Prof Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of The Institute for Policy, Advocacy, and Governance (IPAG), an international think tank. He can be reached via www.syedmunirkhasru.org.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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That a day would come when the Election Commission would do anything beyond perfunctory efforts to stop electoral irregularities was unthinkable even a few days ago. But the unthinkable has happened. The suspension of the Gaibandha-5 by-poll, after voting was stopped in 50 out of 145 centres amid widespread irregularities and a mass boycott by all but one candidate, is an extraordinary move, an exercise of the highest power granted to the EC. We welcome the EC for showing such courage – a rarity for bureaucrats-turned-commissioners – which is perhaps the only silver lining to an otherwise botched operation. But courage alone will not be enough to ensure fair elections, nor can it make up for the EC's – and by extension, the administration's – inability to control the Gaibandha situation.   

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Situation went ‘out of control’

The suspension decision has, justifiably, stunned both political parties and election observers, who noted its unprecedented nature in the recent history of parliamentary elections. But too much focus on the merits of the decision risks taking away from the fact that serious irregularities did occur, in the presence of election and law enforcement officials no less. The EC cited irregularities including illegal presence of individuals in polling booths, voters being forced to vote for a certain candidate, criminals cutting the cables of CCTV cameras, etc. The situation was "out of control", it said. Some candidates also alleged that their agents were forced out of the centres. An independent candidate even said that Awami League men didn't allow him to cast his own vote.

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Is Gaibandha-5 by-poll a prelude to the main show?

So, while it's true that the EC took a drastic decision in its first brush with parliamentary elections, it is also true that it did so in the face of tremendous odds. If this is a sign of things to come, we have every reason to worry about the upcoming national election. Right now, the challenge for the EC is to get the Gaibandha-5 by-poll back on track. But it also has to investigate all reported irregularities and the potential complicity of election officials, and punish those responsible. Otherwise, all this will amount to nothing but a token concession to disgruntled opposition parties.

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‘I must thank the Election Commission’

Until Wednesday, the EC largely appeared to be appeasing the ruling party in election-related decisions. It allowed the use of electronic voting machines (EVMs) in the upcoming national election, despite protests from most political parties. It refused to punish high-profile violators of electoral codes. It failed to send a strong message to field-level administrators – deputy commissioners (DCs) and superintendents of police (SPs) – after their grievous misconduct in a recent conference. As well as setting examples of neutrality and transparency in all its actions and preventing any collusion among election officials and the ruling party, the EC also has to figure out a way to secure unconditional support from the administration.

This is a tall order indeed, and we remain unconvinced that the EC can navigate all these challenges and hold fair elections on its own. This is why the support of all stakeholders, especially the ruling party and the administration, is vital. The public has grown tired of watching violent and non-participatory elections year after year. The authorities must find a way to avoid that in the future.

The Election Commission is going to buy two lakh Electronic Voting Machines for the next national polls, spending more than 10 times what India paid to obtain its EVMs.

An EVM in India costs about Rs 20,000, said an EC official on the condition of anonymity.

When the EC bought 1.5 lakh EVMs from  Bangladesh Machine Tools Factory (BMTF) in 2018, each machine cost Tk 2.3 lakh, the official said.

This time, the outlay is bound to be more due to the appreciation of the dollar, the official pointed out adding that a development project proposal involving Tk 7,500-Tk 8,000 crore was being prepared.

More than four years back, the EC bought the EVMs under a Tk 3,825-crore project.

The base price of an EVM was $2,387 (about Tk 2,26,842 in today's money); another Tk 25,000 had to be paid for its accessories.

Last time, there was no value-added tax on the final price of the EVMs but this time there might be taxes, which would increase the cost further, the official said, adding that the base price would remain the same.

Asked why the Bangladeshi device was more expensive than that of many countries including India, EVM Project Director Syed Raquibul Hasan said, "A Tata car does not cost the same here as in India.

"You can't compare our EVMs with those of any other country. In our EVMs, we have added features like a fingerprint matching system, audit card, polling card, and other safety and security measures. The Indian EVM has no such features.

"If a fingerprint scanner and other accessories were added, what will be the cost of an Indian EVM?" Hasan said.

 Asked why the EC has not floated any national or international tender for the EVMs, which might have yielded competitive bidding, Hasan said, "Only BMTF can provide the specific machine."

BMTF is a commercial plant of the Bangladesh Army. The state-owned enterprise has the capacity to deliver two lakh EVMs ahead of the next general election likely to be held in late December next year or early January 2024, according to Hasan.

The move to buy the additional EVMs comes on the back of the EC's August-23 decision to go for electronic voting in up to 150 constituencies in the polls despite major opposition parties' objection to the use of the devices.

The EC has 1.5 lakh EVMs that can be used in 70-80 constituencies at one go in the next polls.

The development project proposal now being prepared includes the setting up of 10 warehouses in 10 regions, recruiting manpower and training them to handle the devices, and buying vehicles for transporting the EVMs.

The warehouses will have foolproof security, firefighting equipment and temperature control for the proper preservation of the EVMs.

The three-storied warehouses would be on 40 kathas of land with more than 60,000 square feet of space to keep around 45,000 EVMs.

"We will need money to buy or acquire land and to have modern facilities to store the machines," Hasan said. Campaigns would be required to make people aware of the EVM use and dispel misconceptions.

The EC is yet to choose the constituencies where EVMs will be used in the next general election.

"This will be finalised when the election schedule is fixed," said an EC official.

EVMs would mostly be used in the urban seats with smooth transportation and also where the devices were earlier used for different elections, the official added.

EVMs were first used in the 2018 parliamentary election.