Major opposition BNP is yet to declare any candidate to contest against Bangladesh ODI captain Mashrafe Bin Mortaza for Narail-2 constituency in the election.
Mashrafe Bin Mortaza was the lone nomination seeker from the Awami League to contest the election from the seat, who was okayed by the Election Commission.
BNP had kept three candidates -- AZM Fariduzzaman, Sharif Kasafuddoza Kafi and M Shaidul Islam (rejected by RO) – to contest him at the elections.
But, they have decided to rest the case for now as Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, secretary general of the BNP, did not declare any candidate for this constituency.
ABOUT THE CONSTITUENCY
Narail-2 constituency is comprised with Lohagora Upazila, and Narail Sadar except Kalora, Bichli, Bhadrabila, Singa Solpur, and Sheikh Hati Unions.
According to the Election Commission, the seat has a voter base of 317, 763 voters, among which 157,084 are male and 160,679 females. There are 140 voting centres in the constituency.
WHEN IS THE ELECTION?
The 11th general election will be held on December 30. It was deferred once by the Election Commission upon demands from the opposition political parties.
As per the polls schedule, the deadline for filing the nomination papers was November 28. Since then, the commission has been engaged in hearing appeals of rejected candidates.
After December 9, the last date for nomination withdrawal, the commission will allot polls symbols to contestant and open the field for campaigning.
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BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi today alleged that the interim government, like ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, is continuing to make excuses over holding the next national election.
"They (the government) are straying from their assigned responsibilities and engaging in other matters. If they were working honestly, they would have already announced the election date," Rizvi said.
He made the remark after a visit to Rakibul Hasan, an injured activist, who was wounded during the July uprising, at his residence in Dhaka.
In reply to a journalist's query, Rizvi also alleged that the interim authorities were using "muscle power" to prevent BNP leader Ishraque Hossain from assuming the mayoral post of Dhaka South City Corporation, despite completion of all legal procedures.
"In that case, he has every right to protest for the establishment of justice," he added.
"In many cases, the characteristics of the interim government match those of Hasina's regime. This is not what the public expects," Rizvi added.
Referring to LGRD Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain, Rizvi commented, "He is quite young. Suddenly he has been entrusted with serious state responsibilities. That's why there is imbalance in his speech."
Rizvi noted that the court had ruled in Ishraque's favour. "If Shahadat Hossain can become mayor of Chattogram under the same law, why can't Ishraque?" he asked.
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Going solely by its public statements, an interesting aspect of BNP's activities since the July uprising has been its search for—and interaction with—new adversaries, in the absence of the one it fought against for so long. As new forces emerge on the scene, BNP, driven partly by post-uprising realities and partly by an abiding sense of victimhood, has increasingly found itself at odds with former allies, new parties, student leaders, the chief adviser and his cabinet colleagues, and even media houses critical of its unruly activists. And it has sought to use these conflicts to come out stronger. What's interesting about it is how unchanged BNP's manner of engagement has remained despite the political changeover in August, often adopting an adversarial tone that feels too eager at times.
In his seminal work on the politics of enemies, Canadian historian Michael Ignatieff explains that when politicians target their adversaries using inflammatory rhetoric, it is not necessarily true that they are merely representing their constituents' feelings or responding to injustices and societal divisions. "The truth may be darker: it may be a language game not to represent grievance, but to create it, and to polarise for the sake of political advantage." However, as the largest party at present—and one many expect to win the next national election—BNP's adversarial politics hurts more because it was expected to lead a new culture of politics, with a new political language that seeks mediation rather than confrontation.
Be that as it may, where it gets particularly disturbing is when BNP brings its combative approach to the state reform drive, which the nation hopes will be the catalyst for transformational change in the country. BNP's stance on reforms has long been one of confusion and mixed messages. On March 16, however, it seemed to take it a step too far. Speaking at an iftar programme at Dhaka Medical College, senior BNP leader Mirza Abbas said, rather ominously, "We will not easily accept any reforms dictated by their [interim government's] hands or pens. If they carry out reforms, we will make corrections. BNP, in collaboration with other political parties, will determine those corrections and present them to the nation. We will not accept the so-called reforms led by the so-called intellectuals who are not even citizens of this country."
BNP must recognise that, besides electoral changes, there are other reforms that are of equal priority. Our painful history of political violence and corruption demands that some key changes be made—at least in the judiciary and police force—to ensure Bangladesh doesn't return to the pre-July status quo after elections. The idea that this may not happen is both naïve and dangerous.
This statement is striking for two reasons. First, it outright dismisses the proposals from various reform commissions which, by the way, are with the political parties for review. Second, it openly questions the legitimacy of those who prepared the proposals and are in talks with stakeholders, including the BNP, to achieve consensus on the nature and extent of reforms. But if this is how BNP wants to navigate this crucial phase—by pre-emptively rejecting expert proposals, disparaging those involved, or accusing the "unelected" government of trying to favour certain parties—what was the point of all the efforts over the last seven months? The non-citizen jibe, likely aimed at the National Consensus Commission Vice-Chairman Ali Riaz, who also heads the Constitution Reform Commission, was particularly insensitive. Despite BNP being very much on the inside and having the ability to impact outcome through the ongoing dialogue, such public outbursts create confusion about what it truly wants.
Yes, not everything said to rally party loyalists should be taken at face value. But BNP's reaction cycle—from insisting that elections and reforms should progress in tandem to demanding no reforms beyond those related to elections—is well-documented. The party has itself complained that its commitment to reforms is being unfairly questioned, but stopped short of considering whether it is somehow contributing to this perception. Instead, it appears more interested in its own 31-point charter, which largely consists of broad visions. All this suggests BNP's growing alienation from the aspirations for structural change through the ongoing reform drive. While acting chairman Tarique Rahman's statement on Wednesday—warning that extremists and fascists could again "bury democracy" and expressing BNP's commitment to maintaining the country's secular character—is laudable, it's the grunt work of reform-making where its commitment, and support, are most needed. Right now, its critical stance isn't helping. Ali Riaz appeared to hint as much on Thursday when he stated that both internal and external forces are trying to "obstruct the reform process."
BNP must recognise that, besides electoral changes, there are other reforms that are of equal priority. Our painful history of political violence and corruption demands that some key changes be made—at least in the judiciary and police force—to ensure Bangladesh doesn't return to the pre-July status quo after elections. The idea that this may not happen is both naïve and dangerous. To expect a political government to honour its commitment to reforms is like expecting it to honour its election manifesto, and we all know how faithful past ruling parties were to their manifestos. There must be at least some binding mechanisms or safeguards in place to ensure that the reform drive does not derail after elections. One way, as suggested by a columnist in this daily, would be for political parties to "thrash out a common minimum reform programme (CMRP)—a set of core reforms based on the max-min principle, where the maximum number of parties agree on a minimum set of urgent measures." This is precisely what the National Consensus Commission can help achieve, if given proper support.
If the BNP really wants to be seen as a pro-reform force, it should engage in these discussions with greater sincerity, sending an undiluted message of solidarity with whatever outcome this process yields. At the same time, it should balance its political aspirations with the broader national interest. That goes for all other parties as well. Any attempt to politicise the reform drive—whether by questioning and obstructing the process or by selectively endorsing reforms that suit their interests—will serve neither the parties nor the country in the long run.
Badiuzzaman Bay is assistant editor at The Daily Star. He can be reached at [email protected].
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
Bangladesh wicket-keeper batter Nurul Hasan Sohan has voiced his dissent about players entering politics during their playing careers.
All-rounder Shakib Al Hasan and seamer Mashrafe Bin Mortaza were members of parliaments under the Awami League government. The pair had entered politics during their playing careers.
"This [entering politics while playing] should not happen. Politics is a big sphere. It is difficult to give your all in the field while also being in politics. People should retire first and then go into politics. There should be protocols in place for this," Sohan told reporters at the Sher-e-Bangla National Cricket Stadium on Sunday.
Sohan has been vocal about the bloodshed following the government's crackdown on the student quota reform movement which eventually saw Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina flee the country.
In the wake of extensive calls for reforms, many have demanded wholesale changes in the BCB and how it operates. The organisers who are key stakeholders in the country's cricketing domestic structure were also put into question Sohan.
"I have questions regarding a few people. People who want to do business with the sport and have personal agendas should not come to cricket.
"Organisers who eye to earn from here to manage their households should not be allowed. We are cricketers and have earned our wealth by playing. I'm grateful that I've made my house and bought my car through playing cricket. The organisers who will come to cricket have to be established first and have to come here for the good of the game, not to create wealth," Sohan said.
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Sylhet Strikers captain Mashrafe bin Mortaza has decided to take a break from the ongoing 10th Bangladesh Premier League T20 and join his responsibility as the Whip in Parliament.
Mashrafe will be available to play for the Strikers further in the season if there is opportunity in between his political commitments and schedule, said a press release from the franchise.
Mashrafe's own form and fitness have also come into question as he failed with the bat while his bowling has been reduced to bit-part roles.
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Sylhet Strikers skipper Mashrafe Bin Mortaza pointed at the dropped catches as the reason behind their seven-wicket defeat at the hands of Chattogram Challengers in their opening game of the Bangladesh Premier League 2024 (BPL) in Mirpur on Friday.
Chattogram were struggling at 59 for the loss of three while chasing the 178-run target but it was Shahadat Hossain Dipu and Najibullah Zadran's unbeaten fifties that sealed a comfortable win.
The duo put together a match-winning 121-run stand for the fourth wicket.
Sylhet, however, have themselves to blame as they dropped Zadran on three occasions that diminished their chances.
"You all saw where we lost the game. We dropped three catches in a very short time. In T20s, if you drop too many catches, it's tough to make a comeback. The wicket was getting better as the dew factor came into play and we needed to grab those opportunities which we were unable to do. In T20s, even the good balls are being hit and when you drop catches, not one but three, then it's always tough to come back," Mashrafe told the media after the game.
Zadran remained not out on 61 off just 30 deliveries, while young Dipu, who made his BPL debut on the day, was unbeaten on 57 off 39 balls as he struck four sixes and as many fours.
"I tried to bat according to the demand of the situation since we lost a few quick wickets. I tried to ensure we didn't lose any more wickets and bat through to the next three-four overs. I was waiting to play my strokes whenever I got it multiple favourable zones, like square leg or down the ground," Dipu said after the match. "Zadran told me that if we could play a few overs initially and get seven-eight runs an over, then once we get set, we will get bad deliveries which we can punish."
Dipu, 21, who was a member of the 2020 ICC U-19 World Cup winning side, played just eight T20s before his BPL debut.
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