BNP is considering rallies next month to push for a roadmap to election while keeping a close watch on the issue of the president's probable removal.

The party high-ups have already discussed the programmes, which will be finalised soon, said its leaders.

"Once the decision is finalised, we may hold rallies in every district and divisional city next month," a BNP standing committee member told The Daily Star last night, wishing not to be named.

Insiders said the party believes the issue of President Mohammed Shahabuddin's removal and "intentional" audio leaks of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina are part of a big conspiracy by a vested quarter to create a constitutional vacuum, which would ultimately delay the national election. That is why the party is considering street programmes.

"By holding programmes in November, we want to make our stance clear to the people," said a senior BNP leader who is involved in the process.

BNP has already begun talks with the like-minded political parties about the issue.

At the street programmes, it will press for an election roadmap, measures to check the price hike of essentials, and withdrawal of cases against its Chairperson Khaleda Zia and acting chairman Tarique Rahman.

BNP's allies will also hold programmes to press home the same demands, the sources added.

BNP standing committee member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury yesterday said reforms should be carried out on the basis of political consensus.

Speaking at a programme, he said 10 commissions have been formed to come up with reform proposals, and they will submit reports within 90 days. "But new demands are being made. I don't know whether the reform commissions and the interim government support those demands. These issues seem contradictory," he said without referring to any issue.

On October 23, three top BNP leaders met Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus and warned him of a potential constitutional crisis that may stem from the president's removal.

Syed Emran Saleh Prince, joint secretary general of BNP, said holding rallies and processions will be part of the party's ongoing organisational activities.

"We should step up our political activities as various issues are surfacing."

BNP leaders said the interim government's main mandate is to hold a free and fair general election to fulfil the nation's expectations, as people were deprived of their voting rights in the last three parliamentary polls.

"We can assume how much time the government needs to hold an election. We are ready to give that time. But if that time is over, we will do whatever is necessary," Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, BNP standing committee member, said at a discussion yesterday.

He said his party was ready to wait for the election, but the government has to declare a specific time for the polls.

The taunts and barbs leave little room for doubt that the 33-year-old ties have soured. Since the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government on August 5, BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami leaders have differed in private and in public on various issues, including reforms and election timeframe.

BNP has made it known that it wants elections after a reasonable set of reforms. Its longtime ally Jamaat on the other hand has made it clear that it is willing to wait and allow Prof Muhammad Yunus-led interim government more time.

Experts say they have not previously seen such opposing views, that too in public, by the two parties that formed electoral alliance on multiple occasions in the past and even fought side by side to topple Hasina for years.

According to them, the two parties do not need each other anymore after the political changeover, as their "common political rival" Hasina is no longer in the scene. 

BNP leaders say the rift between the two allies surfaced when Jamaat chief Shafiqur Rahman in a statement on August 26 alleged that BNP has already "grabbed 80 percent of the power".

"They [BNP] don't even need an election. They have grabbed whatever there is to grab – from footpath to begging business," Shafiqur had said.

"BNP and Jamaat came closer to face Awami League though their ideologies were different. But after the fall of the Awami League government, there is no need for them to stay together."

— Prof Al Masud Hasanuzzaman, Jahangirnagar University

Earlier on August 11, Dhaka City North unit member secretary of Jatiyatabadi Jubo Dal, the youth front of BNP, Rabiul Islam Nayan, allegedly led a mob that tried to take control of Islami Bank's main branch in Motijheel. Jamaat, which allegedly wanted to establish its dominance over the first Shariah-based bank in Bangladesh, was upset by this, according to Jamaat insiders.

The gap between BNP and Jamaat appears to have widened centering also on appointments in key government posts, as both parties seek to solidify their control over various institutions.

BNP leaders say the interim government removed pro-Awami League people from different government positions, educational institutions, banks and insurance companies. Many of these posts have been given to pro-Jamaat men.

The differences became visible soon after Prof Yunus's address to the nation on August 25, where he did not mention the election timeframe.

In his reaction the next day, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said the chief adviser failed to address the election issue.

On the same day, the Jamaat chief said the nation will not accept any political party's demand for an election at a time when hundreds of people are still lying on hospital beds from injuries sustained during the July uprising.

As if in a direct response, Fakhrul told a press conference at the party chairperson's Gulshan office on August 28 that those who do not have public support and cannot run government have different thoughts about election. "Those who cannot afford to win are against elections," he said.

Although both parties are in favour of reforms, BNP wants a reasonable level of reforms to some institutions, while Jamaat supports sustainable reforms, according to sources in the two parties.

Multiple Jamaat leaders said they want to allow the interim government more time for the sake of their own preparations for the election. They also said they are likely to join polls on their own. Before that, they want to "brighten the party image" through extensive social work. They spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal party matters.

Talking to The Daily Star on August 28, Mirza Fakhrul said Jamaat is no longer their ally and that BNP is making preparations to run in the election on its own.

Saiful Alam Khan, a member of Jamaat's central executive council, denied that there are any strains in the relations between the two parties.

"The two political parties have their own perspectives and opinions, and they will speak on the basis of their opinions. That does not mean that a tense situation has been created between us," he told The Daily Star.

BNP and Jamaat became political allies in 1991, when they formed government for the first time after the fall of HM Ershad, an autocrat.

In the 1991 election, BNP won 140 seats out of the 300 and needed 11 more to form government. Jamaat, which bagged 18 seats, extended its unconditional support to BNP.

BNP formed an electoral alliance with Jamaat in 1999, and the two parties went to the polls under a common banner, and eventually formed an alliance government in 2001.

BNP and Jamaat participated in the 2008 election under the four-party alliance banner and lost heavily to Awami League.

From 2013 to 2015, they launched a joint movement against the AL government.

The relations developed some cracks over seat sharing before the 2018 election, when Jamaat was first given 25 seats, which was later revised down to 22 seats.

As Jamaat lost its registration with the Election Commission in 2018, its candidates participated in that election with BNP's electoral symbol.

In 2022, the two parties officially broke up their alliance, and started a separate yet simultaneous movement against the AL government.

In the July uprising against Hasina's 15-year rule, both parties lent support and joined the movement, but separately.

Talking to The Daily Star, several mid-ranking BNP leaders said the differences with Jamaat essentially centre around politics of power and policy.

"This is not a conflict; it is rather a difference over beliefs and policies. And this difference is permanent. Jamaat is dreaming of assuming state power and then fulfill its desire," a BNP leader said, asking not to be named.

Asked about the differences between BNP and Jamaat, Prof Al Masud Hasanuzzaman of government and politics department at Jahangirnagar University said, "It's obvious. BNP and Jamaat came closer to face Awami League though their ideologies were different. But after the fall of the Awami League government, there is no need for them to stay together."

According to him, BNP and Jamaat are the main beneficiaries of the student movement that forced Hasina to flee to India.

"Both parties are now busy with their own political calculation. So they are keeping distance for their own interest now," he said.

The student-public uprising of July-August 2024 in Bangladesh, which culminated in the ousting of Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian government, defies the conventional narratives surrounding democratic movements. Unlike classic political revolutions, this uprising did not forge a new collective language centered on ideals like democracy or pluralism. Instead, it was propelled by a singular and organically emerging objective: removing an increasingly authoritarian regime. The movement's success hinged not on a visionary articulation of a shared future but on a pragmatic alignment of political, social, and civic forces around a common goal.

For years, Bangladesh's political landscape had been dominated by the toxic binaries of "pro-Liberation" versus "anti-Liberation" forces, a narrative deftly deployed by the ruling Awami League to marginalise opposition parties. The anti-discrimination student movement that spearheaded this summer's protests managed to challenge and neutralise this binary opposition. Their slogan, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar! Who said so? Who said so? Dictator! Dictator!"—with 'razakars' referring to collaborators with the Pakistani army during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War—served as a powerful tool to dismantle the Awami League's divisive rhetoric. This seemingly simple yet powerful slogan created a rare public space where individuals from various political backgrounds, including those previously silenced or stigmatised, could voice their grievances.

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Yet, despite this, it would be a mistake to overemphasise the role of language or slogans in the success of the uprising. The real driver of the movement was bound by the urgent, shared goal of toppling an oppressive regime that had, for over a decade and a half, used state power to repress political dissent, co-opt civil society, and silence opposition. The deaths of more than 400 Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) activists during the protests signalled the high stakes of the movement, but their involvement was notably subdued. Their participation was largely concealed under the broader banner of student-led protests.

This raises a critical question: why did the student-public uprising succeed where established political parties like the BNP failed, despite their shared goal of regime change? The answer lies in a deep-seated political distrust that had taken root among the Bangladeshi public. For years, parties like the BNP had struggled to build movements capable of galvanising widespread support. Their language of democracy and pluralism rang hollow in a society that had become disillusioned with the very notion of political integrity. The public's willingness to engage with traditional parties had been eroded by decades of political corruption, entrenched narratives of division, and the government's effective use of the 'development' discourse to mask civic disenfranchisement.

The student movement, in contrast, benefited from its lack of established political identity. It was not weighed down by a history of electoral losses, internal corruption, or failed attempts at coalition-building. By leading a protest against discrimination in government recruitment—an issue that resonated deeply with young people frustrated by the lack of opportunities—the students managed to unify disparate groups. The movement's strength was its ability to articulate the public's growing discontent with an authoritarian regime that had long disrespected its citizens, masked by claims of national development.

The fall of Sheikh Hasina's government was the ultimate, if unspoken, objective that united both political actors and non-political participants in the movement. While the initial demands focused on reforming the civil service quota system, the government's brutal response to peaceful protests quickly expanded the movement's scope to shift focus from from social reform to outright regime change. By early August, the call for Sheikh Hasina's resignation had become the movement's de facto singular objective, even though this demand was formally declared only weeks after the protests began.

Rather than a shared aspiration for democracy or pluralism, the movement's true collective language was the common desire to end authoritarian rule. It was not a vision of a future democratic state that unified protesters; it was a rejection of the present authoritarian regime and the repressive tactics it employed.

Ironically, the student movement's success in crafting a public space where diverse political actors could rally under a common banner also sowed the seeds of future divisions. Without a shared understanding of what should follow Sheikh Hasina's removal, ideological divisions re-emerged and triggered internal conflicts within the movement. This is not unusual in movements focused primarily on opposition to a common enemy rather than a shared vision of governance.

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The post-uprising disunity highlights an essential truth about political revolutions: the language that unites a movement in opposition is often insufficient to sustain it in power. The lack of a deeper, collective vision for Bangladesh's future beyond the remarkable fall of Sheikh Hasina reflects the fact that the student movement, despite its success, did not generate a new political language for the country. 

After Sheikh Hasina's ouster, Bangladesh faces a critical juncture: developing an inclusive political language to tackle corruption, civic disenfranchisement, and social inequality. While the student movement toppled the regime, it did not—and perhaps could not—lay the foundation for a democratic future, which requires a broader reimagining of the political landscape.

In sum, the July-August 2024 uprising in Bangladesh shows that a clear and simple goal—removing an authoritarian regime—can unite diverse actors, but the real challenge ahead is building a sustainable and inclusive political future, for which the country still seeks its collective language.

Dr Kazi A S M Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

A new film titled "Operation Jackpot", highlighting the daring guerrilla missions of naval commandos during a pivotal moment in Bangladesh's Liberation War, is currently in production. 

The project, backed by the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs, aims to bring this crucial chapter of history to the big screen.

Following the political shift in August, concerns have arisen about the film's prospects, with fears that it might not be released. However, Swapan Chowdhury, head of the production company Antar Showbiz, provided a reassuring update in a recent interview with Ajker Patrika. 

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He emphasised that the government transition would not interfere with "Operation Jackpot", stating that all plans are in place for the film's release on Victory Day this year.

Production began in January at the FDC, yet, despite nearly ten months passing, the filming remains unfinished. When asked if the recent political changes had affected the film's progress, Chowdhury responded, "Since the political landscape shifted in August, many have told me my film would never see the light of day."

He added, "That assumption is completely unfounded. Some believe that because the project began under the previous government, it would focus on the Awami League and Bangabandhu. But this film is not about Bangabandhu or any political party. 'Operation Jackpot' is about a naval commando operation, without any political agenda. Whether Awami League or BNP, the government ultimately represents the people of Bangladesh, and this is a government-backed project."

On the delay in completing the film, Chowdhury explained, "At the moment, many things are in transition. The government is focused on reforms and addressing pressing issues, which has slightly slowed the film's progress. Nonetheless, the change in government won't stop the film's completion."

Reports suggest that while most of the filming is complete, a few scenes required reshooting after failing to receive approval from certain ministry officials. Chowdhury confirmed these adjustments but emphasised that they are minor and will not significantly impact production.

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He stated, "The ministry has made a few minor observations. Some areas need colour correction, and adjustments to the background music are required. I'm in constant communication with the ministry, and we are making the necessary changes, both locally and internationally."

Initially, some scenes were planned to be shot in Paris, but due to the current situation, alternatives are being explored. "We had planned to shoot a few scenes in Paris, and we're still aiming to do that. However, given the challenges, if it's not feasible, we are considering CGI for those scenes. Our goal is to release the film in December, the month of victory, and we aim to wrap up the remaining work by next month," Chowdhury explained.

From the beginning, "Operation Jackpot" has been mired in controversy. A few years ago, the Ministry of Shipping initiated plans to produce a film based on the events of the operation, with Giasuddin Selim set to write and possibly direct. However, when the project went to tender, Antar Showbiz secured the contract with a budget of Tk 21 crore, outbidding Selim's company.

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The film is now being directed by Delwar Jahan Jhantu, with India's Rajib Biswas serving as co-director.

Casting choices also sparked debate. Zayed Khan and Nipun Akter were initially cast in leading roles, but Zayed was unexpectedly dropped just before filming. Rumours suggest his removal was at Nipun Akter's request. Additionally, Bappy Chowdhury, who had initially signed on, withdrew due to unfulfilled promises from the production company.

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The film features a star-studded cast, including Ananta Jalil, Nipun Akter, Amit Hasan, Omar Sani, Emon, Nirob, Roshan, Shipon, Sanju, Joy Chowdhury, Pallab, Ilias Kanchan, Kazi Hayat, and Misha Sawdagor.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today emphasised the importance of adhering to constitutional processes and avoiding hasty decisions regarding the removal of the president.

He made the remark while speaking to reporters after laying wreaths at the grave of BNP founder and former president Ziaur Rahman, in observance of Jubo Dal's founding anniversary.

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When asked about BNP's position on the demand for the president's removal, he said, "We will not make any hasty declarations. We have a forum for discussion, and we will convene a standing committee meeting to clarify our stance following our discussions.

"As we have said before, to consolidate the revolution, national unity is needed the most. It is necessary to do all the work in a constitutional process without taking any hasty decision.

"For this, it is necessary to hold a neutral election by carrying out election-centric reforms very quickly. Only that can solve all the crises," he added.