BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today expressed disappointment over Chief Adviser Professor Mohammad Yunus' speech making 100 days of interim government.

"While the speech, a well-drafted one, has risen hopes of the people. I am a bit disappointed... We had hoped the chief adviser, with all his wisdom, would identify the pressing problems and propose a roadmap for elections," said Fakhrul at a discussion at Jatiya Press Club.

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The wrongs of past 15yrs must be righted

Clarifying his intention on stressing the need for an election, Fakhrul said, "I emphasise elections because holding them would address half of our problems."

Stressing BNP's stance over its support to the interim government, Fakhrul mentioned that his party has not opposed or obstructed any of the recent reform initiatives by them.

"We are supporting you at every step," he said.

In a televised address to the nation, marking 100 days of the interim government, Yunus said that the reforms may delay the election by a few months.

Additionally, Fakhrul Islam Alamgir highlighted the importance of maintaining strong ties between BNP leaders and students.

"No gap should ever emerge between us and the students. Students have the right to voice their opinions. We have grown older. We are more calculative now. We evaluate which actions can be taken and which cannot, what is appropriate to do now and what is not," he said.

"That's why we believe holding elections quickly is essential for the well-being of the country and its people. This comes from our own experience."

He added, "This government lacks a mandate. The longer they stay in power, the more problems will arise."

"This is not an elected government, so where does its strength come from?"

Fakhrul said that his party supports implementing reforms within a reasonable and appropriate timeframe.

"It should not take so long that people start to suspect you are trying to cling to power. We have had such experiences in the past," he added.

Referencing the tenure of the Moinuddin-led caretaker government, he said, "Their attempts to form a so-called King's Party failed as the people rejected it, forcing them to flee the country."

The BNP will allocate 10 percent of GDP — 5 percent each to health and education— if it forms the government, said BNP Standing Committee Member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury today.

"We have made two clear decisions: we will allocate 5 percent of GDP to health and 5 percent to education. This is our commitment," Chowdhury said.

Chowdhury, also a former commerce minister, made the remarks at the 3rd Bangladesh Economic Summit 2024, themed "Inequality, Financial Crimes, and Healing Bangladesh's Economy," organised by Bangla daily Bonik Barta at Pan Pacific Sonargaon Dhaka. 

He said universal healthcare would improve citizens' health, allowing them to contribute more effectively to the nation. 

"The savings they would make on healthcare costs would enhance their purchasing power, enabling families to spend on other welfare needs," he added, highlighting similar outcomes for investment in education.

He criticised the diversion of funds from health and education to mega projects by the previous Awami League government. 

He said this fuelled inequality in the country.

Prof Muhammad Yunus has put the election train on track with the option of reaching its destination either in December 2025 or in the first half of 2026. For a country that did not have a proper election for 15 years—three rigged elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024—a six-month time gap should not worry us much. But considering the overall situation, including the economy, lack of investment, law and order, and people's eagerness to see an elected government and parliament installed as early as possible, we think Prof Yunus and his interim government should opt for the first of the two options he has suggested.

And this is why.

The main aim is to have both reforms and an election. Reforms, because we just cannot go back to the past practice of holding an election then allowing the winning party to do whatever it wishes, especially if it has a two-thirds majority. We must amend the constitution to restore checks and balances among the executive, legislative and judiciary, curtail the unilateral power of the prime minister, make the judiciary functionally independent, make the various statutory bodies like the National Human Rights Commission, Information Commission and Election Commission independent, make the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, etc autonomous, and ensure freedom of speech and of the media, among other things. A fundamental reform would be to make the parliament functional and enable it to hold the executive genuinely accountable.

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A turning point or a missed opportunity?

However, as important and crucial as the reforms are, one cannot postpone the elections much further. We need to move away from a makeshift arrangement of an interim government to a more stable one of an elected government, fully backed by the constitution that will give the new government all the legality, legitimacy and prestige of any democratic government in the world. An election is necessary to restore the world's faith in Bangladesh that we can wade through whatever challenges a situation may provide and still continue in the path of democracy. This is the most important thing to prove to the world.

Both can be achieved within the next 12 months.

All the main six reform committees, the most important ones as stated by the chief adviser himself, are scheduled to submit their reports by the end of 2024 or maximum by January next year. The chief adviser's suggestion about the formation of a consensus commission is, in our view, a brilliant innovation that will help us move towards a stable future. The consensus commission will engage with all the political parties to reach consensus on which recommendations are to be implemented by the interim government—through ordinance—and which are to be left for the elected government. Achieving a consensus among all parties will be a major political goal, which has not been achieved since the all-party charter during the fall of the Ershad government in 1990. Since the chief adviser himself will chair the consensus commission, we feel confident that a positive outcome will certainly emerge.

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Bangladesh needs to strengthen its political leadership

Coming back to the timeline, if the commission starts its work following the submission of reports by December-January, the interim government will have nearly 10 months to move towards the election.

Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) AMM Nasir Uddin said on Tuesday that the Election Commission has been preparing for the election from the day of their taking office, and it is ready to comply with the dates suggested by the chief adviser. He also said he would be able to complete updating of the voter list within the next two months. If the Election Commission goes for the more elaborate process of updating the voter list by doing a door-to-door verification process, it still should not take more than six or seven months, which will take us at best to July or August next year.

So, both in terms of the completion of the reform processes and in terms of preparation for the election, the coming 12 months appear sufficient from all counts to go for the polls. Also, the fact that the winter season has traditionally been preferred for holding the general elections because of the reduced prospect of natural disruptions like rain, floods, cyclones, etc must not be overlooked.

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‘We must challenge not just regimes, but also oppressive legal machinery'

The actors in the political field today are Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islami, and numerous smaller political parties. The new entry, which is likely to be a significant player, is the political party of the student groups that played a decisive role in toppling the old regime. They have declared their intention of forming a political party within a very short time, with its own student wing.

BNP is the party waiting at the doorstep of assuming power. Therefore, its eagerness to push for the earliest timetable for the election is predictable. The speech by Tarique Rahman, the party's acting chairman, on December 18, urging his party members to focus on "reforms and not revenge" deserves commendation. He further said, "If you want to respond to the injustice, oppression and suppression done to you, you should not imitate what they [Awami League] have done. If we do so, there will be no difference between them and us." This is a highly refreshing and welcome position, and a very powerful and farsighted one.

Even before the submission of the constitutional commission's recommendations, Tarique has said he and his party will recommend two terms for the prime minister, to be fixed by the constitution. As the person who may hold that position, if voted so, he was in fact putting restrictions on his own possible future tenure—a most appreciable and hitherto unprecedented gesture. He also expressed his support for a bicameral legislature for the future. Both these suggestions have far-reaching political consequences for us, and clearly shows that the acting chief of today's BNP is thinking ahead.

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Column by Mahfuz Anam: Taste of freedom regained

The party's 31-point programme, which was prepared some time ago, lays out clearly what the BNP proposes to do once in power. However, we are used to our political parties promising the moon before the election and then forgetting everything once in power. But given the July-August uprising, we hope things will be different this time.

Jamaat has extended a conditional support to the chief adviser's polls plan, with the secretary general saying, "Despite our initial reluctance regarding the delay, we will remain patient as long as the chief adviser honours his commitment to hold elections… we are ready to cooperate with him." This clearly shows that Jamaat is not in any hurry. The reason is obvious: the more time it gets, the more will Jamaat, as the second biggest party right now, be organised when the election comes.

It is our view that smaller parties will acquiesce to the chief adviser's mid-2026 timeline as they may not expect too much from the election and are better off now in terms of being treated on an equal footing with all others.

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Democracy needs civil society to thrive

Among the most interesting political developments that are likely is the new party planned by the students. It will be interesting to see them emerge as a political force, get voters' support by joining the election, and participate in the governance process, being elected MPs. The new party may bring about a refreshing change in our political scene with new and bold ideas aimed at removing discriminations from our society. However, they would prefer more time to be able to organise themselves better, and hence are opposed to an early election.

Whatever the differing stances of various political parties may be, people in general would, we think, prefer to exercise their franchise to elect their government, something they have been deprived from for the last 15 years.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Jubo Dal, Swechchhasebak Dal, and Chhatra Dal will march towards the Indian High Commission in Dhaka today.

It will begin from the party's Nayapaltan central office at 10:00am, said a joint press release yesterday.

The march, aimed at submitting a memorandum, is being organised in protest the attack on Assistant High Commission of Bangladesh in Agartala, desecration of the national flag in Kolkata, and an alleged conspiracy to incite communal unrest.

In the release, leaders of the three organisations of BNP called on leaders and activists to join the demonstration.

The organisations planned the programme a day ahead of Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri's visit to Dhaka tomorrow. There will be foreign office consultations led by foreign secretaries of the two countries.

It will be the first top diplomatic contact with Bangladesh since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina in August.

The meeting also comes at a time when ties between Dhaka and Delhi are under considerable strain over various issues, including allegations of attacks on minorities in Bangladesh.

Meanwhile, Indian Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on Friday announced that activists from over 200 social and cultural organisations will march towards the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi on Tuesday.

The demonstration, coinciding with International Human Rights Day, will be held to protest against "alleged atrocities" on minority communities, including Hindus, in Bangladesh.

Rajnish Jindal, co-in-charge of the RSS Delhi unit's media and communications department, shared details at a press conference where he said the march will include representatives of various social, cultural, and religious groups under the banner of "Civil Society of Delhi".

He added that a memorandum would be submitted to the Bangladesh High Commission and international organisations such as the UN, UNHRC, WHO, Amnesty International, and ADB, urging immediate intervention to halt the "violence".

Former Indian high commissioner to Bangladesh Veena Sikri and ex-director general of the Intelligence Bureau Rajiv Jain also spoke at the event, expressing grave concern over the situation.

"This is the worst situation for Hindus and other minority communities in Bangladesh since the Liberation War of 1971," Veena claimed.

In another development, hoteliers in Barak valley of the north eastern state of Assam have announced that they would not host any Bangladesh national till alleged attacks on Hindus and other minorities in that country stop, PTI reported from Guwahati.

This was announced by Barak Valley Hotel and Restaurant Association President Babul Rai on Friday.

Barak Valley comprises three districts of Cachar, Sribhumi (formerly Karimganj) and Hailakandi and shares a 129km-long border with Bangladesh's Sylhet region.

A PTI report from Washington said a protest march is being organised by "HinduAction" near the White House tomorrow while another protest would be held by Hindu community leaders in Chicago today.

The July 2024 uprising in Bangladesh marked a pivotal moment as students and citizens rallied for transformative change, challenging established political hierarchies. Unlike previous movements, this protest operated independently of any political party leadership, underscoring a grassroots demand for reform that had eluded mainstream opposition efforts for over a decade. For the first time, a mass uprising forced the removal of a seemingly entrenched regime through sheer public resolve, demonstrating the often-overlooked power of collective action—an "event" as described by eminent French philosopher Alain Badiou: a disruptive break from the status quo of conventional political order.

On August 8, the formation of an interim government emerged as a critical turning point in Bangladesh's political landscape, briefly uniting opposition forces, including the BNP, around a shared agenda for paradigmatic change. Initially supportive of the student movement, some argue that the BNP later tempered its endorsement, seemingly distancing itself strategically from some of the demands for structural reform of extractive institutions widely seen as enabling the rise of illiberal, authoritarian governance, epitomised by the recently ousted regime. Notably, the BNP is now subtly yet unmistakably shifting away from calls for the immediate resignation of the sitting president—a figure closely tied to the discredited past—and towards advocating for a more cautious, electoral roadmap. This strategic repositioning has allowed the BNP to present itself as a stabilising force focused on continuity and gradual reform through electoral processes, a choice that critics argue reflects a conservative impulse to preserve familiar structures.

According to cultural theorist Frederic Jameson, understanding such political decisions requires analysis through multiple lenses or "horizons." On the "political horizon," Jameson's first level of analysis, the BNP's reluctance to support student-led calls for immediate presidential removal can be viewed as a tactical move to balance reform aspirations with stability. By prioritising an electoral roadmap over sudden upheaval, the BNP is perhaps portraying itself as a seasoned opposition force. This approach positions the party as a measured alternative amid calls for radical change—a strategic choice to avoid being swept up in what it might see as "instant gratification" in favour of long-term goals. However, critics argue that this approach risks the party appearing overly conservative and misaligned with the youth-driven energy fuelling the July uprising.

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The fight for social accountability in Bangladesh

The "social horizon," meanwhile, explores deeper class and institutional interests that shape political choices, often unconsciously. Here, the BNP's distance from grassroots reform demands can be seen as aligning with the entrenched two-party system, which has long structured politics in Bangladesh. By prioritising incremental reforms and institutional stability over radical transformation, BNP implicitly supports structures that have historically benefited both itself and the Awami League. This reluctance to disrupt institutional power structures could be understood through Jameson's concept of the "political unconscious," where underlying class interests influence behaviour that may appear pragmatic but, in effect, serves to protect established hierarchies. The BNP's stance could be reflective of this tendency, preserving a status quo that risks sidelining the radical reforms that some segments of the public are increasingly demanding.

In the "historical horizon," Jameson's final layer of interpretation, BNP's response to the uprising can be seen as part of Bangladesh's cyclical political struggles. Rather than embracing a transformative shift, BNP's positioning could suggest a reluctance to break from long-standing political rivalries, framing itself as the ideological heir to the student movement's anti-Awami League sentiment while resisting a deep engagement with systemic overhaul. But this positioning could risk reducing the uprising's transformative vision to another episode in the Awami League-BNP rivalry. In Jameson's view, such cyclical politics underscore a missed opportunity for genuine change, as BNP's actions could hint at continuity within Bangladesh's familiar political pattern to some, rather than a break from it.

French philosopher Alain Badiou's concept of the "moment" underscores the unique potential of the July 2024 uprising to introduce new political realities. For Badiou, such a moment represents a radical rupture from established norms, challenging entrenched power structures and creating the possibility of unforeseen political reforms. The uprising's mass mobilisation of public sentiment without major party backing exemplifies that this kind of "event" informed disruptive rupture, a grassroots force demanding structural change that bypasses established political channels.

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Enforcing economic and social rights through constitutional interpretation

However, Badiou also warns that these transformative moments can be co-opted or neutralised if not sustained by active revolutionary commitment, or what he calls "fidelity" to the event. The BNP's stance, which shifted from initially aligning with the students to later portraying the president as a stabilising figure, could risk dissipating the transformative potential of this "moment." By reverting to conventional political processes, BNP's approach could undermine the movement's radical energy, restoring the status quo ante, rather than actualising the profound systemic reforms demanded by some people.

Ultimately, the BNP's decision to prioritise stability over radical change illustrates a complex dilemma: straddling the aftermath of a revolutionary "event" and realpolitik. While the party's cautious stance may preserve order and avoid immediate risks, it also places the BNP at odds with some segments of society that have become increasingly disillusioned by traditional politics. This hesitance could alienate reform-minded citizens, especially younger voters who may view BNP's position as self-serving or evasive. Rather than merely adopting the movement's ideological legacy, BNP's strategic ambivalence risks positioning it as another entity within the political duopoly that the uprising implicitly critiques.

BNP's strategic choices in the wake of the July uprising reveal a tension between preserving continuity and embracing transformative potential. While Jameson's "Three Horizons" show how the party's stance aligns with established power structures, Badiou's concept of the "moment" underscores the revolutionary potential that the BNP risks missing. By aligning itself too closely with stability, and gradualism, BNP could marginalise itself in the eyes of a public yearning for meaningful change. To truly capture the movement's spirit, the party may need to move beyond mere strategic positioning and fully engage with the grassroots demands that fuelled the July uprising—demands that traditional, incremental politics can no longer afford to overlook. By the same token, this challenge also calls for a delicate balancing act of realpolitik, as the party weighs transformative ambitions against the pressures of political continuity and stability in an unpredictable landscape.

Dr Faridul Alam writes from New York City, US.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.