The BNP and the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement seem to be at odds over the removal of President Mohammed Shahabuddin.

The interim government, meantime, has yet to clarify its stance on the issue.

After a meeting between a BNP delegation and Chief Adviser Prof Mohammad Yunus around noon yesterday, the party said vacancy in the  president's post at this moment would put "the state in a crisis and create a constitutional vacuum", which the nation does not desire.  

Briefing reporters outside the state guesthouse Jamuna, BNP standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan, said his party had urged the government to make sure there was no constitutional vacuum or crisis.

"If the lackeys of the fallen autocrat try to create any constitutional and political crisis, the pro-democracy political parties and different organisations will face it together," Nazrul said, urging everyone to be cautious so that a new constitutional or political crisis is not created.

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul and special assistant to the chief adviser Mahfuj Alam were present at the meeting.

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BNP wary of constitutional vacuum

Queried by journalists about the BNP's opinion regarding the demand for the president's resignation, Nazrul Islam Khan said, "Nothing specific. We have said everyone should be careful so that no new constitutional or political crisis is created. If anyone wants to do that, we will face it together."

He, along with BNP standing committee members Amir Khasru Mahmud and Salahuddin Ahmed, represented the BNP at the meeting.

Later, at the BNP chairperson's office in Gulshan, Salahuddin told reporters, "The presidency is the highest constitutional position, and it is also an institution. If this position becomes vacant due to resignation or removal, it will create a constitutional and national crisis."

Meanwhile, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee at a press briefing yesterday evening called for national unity for scrapping of the 1972 constitution and removal of the president.

Protesters gather outside the Bangabhaban yesterday afternoon to stage a demo demanding the resignation of President Mohammed Shahabuddin. Photo: Palash Khan

At the presser, Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the four-member committee of the movement, urged all parties, except the Awami League, pro-AL student body Chhatra League, and the Jatiya Party, to respond to the call for national unity.

He said, "If any party does not join us in the call for the repeal of the 1972 constitution and the president's resignation, we will boycott them. We will not accept the 1972 constitution, as its existence prolongs the political crisis.

"This constitution has always established and reinforced a fascist structure. Sheikh Hasina has always said that 'we must maintain constitutional continuity'. Whenever she was asked to resign or hold discussions about a caretaker or neutral government, she would readily refer to the need to uphold this constitution," he said.

"Our demand is for President Shahabuddin to resign. However, we do not want this type of movement to escalate. We have already communicated with the protesters near the Bangabhaban. I urge those involved to trust the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. We will lead collectively and face all conspiracies through our activism."

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Hasina’s resignation: ‘I have no documentary evidence’

Nasir Uddin Patwari, a member of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said, "We are engaging with the political elite but do not seek roundtable discussions. We believe in addressing issues on the streets. Sheikh Hasina has evaded accountability on the streets, and it is there that decisions will be made."

Meanwhile, Information Adviser Nahid Islam stressed the need for political consensus and national unity, rather than following legal or constitutional procedures for any decision regarding the president.

"The interim government is consulting with all stakeholders, and a decision may be forthcoming … ," he told reporters at the Secretariat.

"Whether the president will remain in office is currently not a legal or constitutional question. It is a political decision. To make the decision [on the president], we are prioritising stability, security, and discipline in the state," Nahid said.

The adviser called upon the protesters not to stage demonstrations as the government has received their message.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said the government has not made any decision regarding the removal of the president from office.

"We will inform you of any development regarding the matter," he told reporters after the meeting with the BNP.

The debate regarding the removal of the president started after daily Manab Zamin's political magazine "Janatar Chokh" on Sunday published an article containing the president's remarks that he heard Sheikh Hasina had resigned as the prime minister, but he did not have any documentary evidence.

"I tried [to collect the resignation letter] many times but failed. Maybe she did not have the time," he was quoted as saying.

The next day, Law Adviser Asif Nazrul said the president lied, and it was akin to misconduct. He questioned the president's mental capacity to serve.

Later, student bodies, including the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, demanded the removal of the president.

On Tuesday, several hundred protesters under the banners Raktim July 2024 and Shadhinota-Sharbobhoumotto Rokkha Committee attempted to break through the security barriers in front of the Bangabhaban.

A robust four-layer security measure has been established at the Bangabhaban. But demonstrators have made sporadic attempts to gather near the president's official residence.

The July 2024 uprising in Bangladesh marked a pivotal moment as students and citizens rallied for transformative change, challenging established political hierarchies. Unlike previous movements, this protest operated independently of any political party leadership, underscoring a grassroots demand for reform that had eluded mainstream opposition efforts for over a decade. For the first time, a mass uprising forced the removal of a seemingly entrenched regime through sheer public resolve, demonstrating the often-overlooked power of collective action—an "event" as described by eminent French philosopher Alain Badiou: a disruptive break from the status quo of conventional political order.

On August 8, the formation of an interim government emerged as a critical turning point in Bangladesh's political landscape, briefly uniting opposition forces, including the BNP, around a shared agenda for paradigmatic change. Initially supportive of the student movement, some argue that the BNP later tempered its endorsement, seemingly distancing itself strategically from some of the demands for structural reform of extractive institutions widely seen as enabling the rise of illiberal, authoritarian governance, epitomised by the recently ousted regime. Notably, the BNP is now subtly yet unmistakably shifting away from calls for the immediate resignation of the sitting president—a figure closely tied to the discredited past—and towards advocating for a more cautious, electoral roadmap. This strategic repositioning has allowed the BNP to present itself as a stabilising force focused on continuity and gradual reform through electoral processes, a choice that critics argue reflects a conservative impulse to preserve familiar structures.

According to cultural theorist Frederic Jameson, understanding such political decisions requires analysis through multiple lenses or "horizons." On the "political horizon," Jameson's first level of analysis, the BNP's reluctance to support student-led calls for immediate presidential removal can be viewed as a tactical move to balance reform aspirations with stability. By prioritising an electoral roadmap over sudden upheaval, the BNP is perhaps portraying itself as a seasoned opposition force. This approach positions the party as a measured alternative amid calls for radical change—a strategic choice to avoid being swept up in what it might see as "instant gratification" in favour of long-term goals. However, critics argue that this approach risks the party appearing overly conservative and misaligned with the youth-driven energy fuelling the July uprising.

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The fight for social accountability in Bangladesh

The "social horizon," meanwhile, explores deeper class and institutional interests that shape political choices, often unconsciously. Here, the BNP's distance from grassroots reform demands can be seen as aligning with the entrenched two-party system, which has long structured politics in Bangladesh. By prioritising incremental reforms and institutional stability over radical transformation, BNP implicitly supports structures that have historically benefited both itself and the Awami League. This reluctance to disrupt institutional power structures could be understood through Jameson's concept of the "political unconscious," where underlying class interests influence behaviour that may appear pragmatic but, in effect, serves to protect established hierarchies. The BNP's stance could be reflective of this tendency, preserving a status quo that risks sidelining the radical reforms that some segments of the public are increasingly demanding.

In the "historical horizon," Jameson's final layer of interpretation, BNP's response to the uprising can be seen as part of Bangladesh's cyclical political struggles. Rather than embracing a transformative shift, BNP's positioning could suggest a reluctance to break from long-standing political rivalries, framing itself as the ideological heir to the student movement's anti-Awami League sentiment while resisting a deep engagement with systemic overhaul. But this positioning could risk reducing the uprising's transformative vision to another episode in the Awami League-BNP rivalry. In Jameson's view, such cyclical politics underscore a missed opportunity for genuine change, as BNP's actions could hint at continuity within Bangladesh's familiar political pattern to some, rather than a break from it.

French philosopher Alain Badiou's concept of the "moment" underscores the unique potential of the July 2024 uprising to introduce new political realities. For Badiou, such a moment represents a radical rupture from established norms, challenging entrenched power structures and creating the possibility of unforeseen political reforms. The uprising's mass mobilisation of public sentiment without major party backing exemplifies that this kind of "event" informed disruptive rupture, a grassroots force demanding structural change that bypasses established political channels.

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Enforcing economic and social rights through constitutional interpretation

However, Badiou also warns that these transformative moments can be co-opted or neutralised if not sustained by active revolutionary commitment, or what he calls "fidelity" to the event. The BNP's stance, which shifted from initially aligning with the students to later portraying the president as a stabilising figure, could risk dissipating the transformative potential of this "moment." By reverting to conventional political processes, BNP's approach could undermine the movement's radical energy, restoring the status quo ante, rather than actualising the profound systemic reforms demanded by some people.

Ultimately, the BNP's decision to prioritise stability over radical change illustrates a complex dilemma: straddling the aftermath of a revolutionary "event" and realpolitik. While the party's cautious stance may preserve order and avoid immediate risks, it also places the BNP at odds with some segments of society that have become increasingly disillusioned by traditional politics. This hesitance could alienate reform-minded citizens, especially younger voters who may view BNP's position as self-serving or evasive. Rather than merely adopting the movement's ideological legacy, BNP's strategic ambivalence risks positioning it as another entity within the political duopoly that the uprising implicitly critiques.

BNP's strategic choices in the wake of the July uprising reveal a tension between preserving continuity and embracing transformative potential. While Jameson's "Three Horizons" show how the party's stance aligns with established power structures, Badiou's concept of the "moment" underscores the revolutionary potential that the BNP risks missing. By aligning itself too closely with stability, and gradualism, BNP could marginalise itself in the eyes of a public yearning for meaningful change. To truly capture the movement's spirit, the party may need to move beyond mere strategic positioning and fully engage with the grassroots demands that fuelled the July uprising—demands that traditional, incremental politics can no longer afford to overlook. By the same token, this challenge also calls for a delicate balancing act of realpolitik, as the party weighs transformative ambitions against the pressures of political continuity and stability in an unpredictable landscape.

Faridul Alam lives in and writes from New York City, US.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.   

The student-public uprising of July-August 2024 in Bangladesh, which culminated in the ousting of Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian government, defies the conventional narratives surrounding democratic movements. Unlike classic political revolutions, this uprising did not forge a new collective language centered on ideals like democracy or pluralism. Instead, it was propelled by a singular and organically emerging objective: removing an increasingly authoritarian regime. The movement's success hinged not on a visionary articulation of a shared future but on a pragmatic alignment of political, social, and civic forces around a common goal.

For years, Bangladesh's political landscape had been dominated by the toxic binaries of "pro-Liberation" versus "anti-Liberation" forces, a narrative deftly deployed by the ruling Awami League to marginalise opposition parties. The anti-discrimination student movement that spearheaded this summer's protests managed to challenge and neutralise this binary opposition. Their slogan, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar! Who said so? Who said so? Dictator! Dictator!"—with 'razakars' referring to collaborators with the Pakistani army during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War—served as a powerful tool to dismantle the Awami League's divisive rhetoric. This seemingly simple yet powerful slogan created a rare public space where individuals from various political backgrounds, including those previously silenced or stigmatised, could voice their grievances.

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The critical challenges facing the economy

Yet, despite this, it would be a mistake to overemphasise the role of language or slogans in the success of the uprising. The real driver of the movement was bound by the urgent, shared goal of toppling an oppressive regime that had, for over a decade and a half, used state power to repress political dissent, co-opt civil society, and silence opposition. The deaths of more than 400 Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) activists during the protests signalled the high stakes of the movement, but their involvement was notably subdued. Their participation was largely concealed under the broader banner of student-led protests.

This raises a critical question: why did the student-public uprising succeed where established political parties like the BNP failed, despite their shared goal of regime change? The answer lies in a deep-seated political distrust that had taken root among the Bangladeshi public. For years, parties like the BNP had struggled to build movements capable of galvanising widespread support. Their language of democracy and pluralism rang hollow in a society that had become disillusioned with the very notion of political integrity. The public's willingness to engage with traditional parties had been eroded by decades of political corruption, entrenched narratives of division, and the government's effective use of the 'development' discourse to mask civic disenfranchisement.

The student movement, in contrast, benefited from its lack of established political identity. It was not weighed down by a history of electoral losses, internal corruption, or failed attempts at coalition-building. By leading a protest against discrimination in government recruitment—an issue that resonated deeply with young people frustrated by the lack of opportunities—the students managed to unify disparate groups. The movement's strength was its ability to articulate the public's growing discontent with an authoritarian regime that had long disrespected its citizens, masked by claims of national development.

The fall of Sheikh Hasina's government was the ultimate, if unspoken, objective that united both political actors and non-political participants in the movement. While the initial demands focused on reforming the civil service quota system, the government's brutal response to peaceful protests quickly expanded the movement's scope to shift focus from from social reform to outright regime change. By early August, the call for Sheikh Hasina's resignation had become the movement's de facto singular objective, even though this demand was formally declared only weeks after the protests began.

Rather than a shared aspiration for democracy or pluralism, the movement's true collective language was the common desire to end authoritarian rule. It was not a vision of a future democratic state that unified protesters; it was a rejection of the present authoritarian regime and the repressive tactics it employed.

Ironically, the student movement's success in crafting a public space where diverse political actors could rally under a common banner also sowed the seeds of future divisions. Without a shared understanding of what should follow Sheikh Hasina's removal, ideological divisions re-emerged and triggered internal conflicts within the movement. This is not unusual in movements focused primarily on opposition to a common enemy rather than a shared vision of governance.

Read more

The cheapening of life and the struggle for the state

The post-uprising disunity highlights an essential truth about political revolutions: the language that unites a movement in opposition is often insufficient to sustain it in power. The lack of a deeper, collective vision for Bangladesh's future beyond the remarkable fall of Sheikh Hasina reflects the fact that the student movement, despite its success, did not generate a new political language for the country. 

After Sheikh Hasina's ouster, Bangladesh faces a critical juncture: developing an inclusive political language to tackle corruption, civic disenfranchisement, and social inequality. While the student movement toppled the regime, it did not—and perhaps could not—lay the foundation for a democratic future, which requires a broader reimagining of the political landscape.

In sum, the July-August 2024 uprising in Bangladesh shows that a clear and simple goal—removing an authoritarian regime—can unite diverse actors, but the real challenge ahead is building a sustainable and inclusive political future, for which the country still seeks its collective language.

Dr Kazi A S M Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

With a shift in political landscape, new groups are vying for control at some slums and footpaths in Dhaka.

These new groups, claiming allegiance to the BNP, are attempting to assert dominance over areas previously controlled by the Awami League. Their targets include shanties, shops, and AL-affiliated clubs and offices in the slums.

However, in some areas, the grabbers have pulled back after warnings from BNP high-ups and the government.

In many places, citizen groups, including students, have become active in thwarting extortionists.

Controlling the slums is crucial because these areas are often used by political parties to mobilise crowds for rallies and processions in exchange for money.

Besides, AL syndicates made crores of taka by operating in the slums, illegally supplying gas and electricity to residents with the help of corrupt city utility staff.

The Daily Star visited five slums in the capital and found that in most cases, the new groups are targeting the shanties and shops that were previously under the control of the then ruling party.

In Karail slum, the largest slum in Bangladesh located in the capital's Banani area, a new group has taken over several hundred shanties and shops that were previously controlled by pro-AL men.

They also vandalised some shanties and shops, looting valuables, locals said.

A local AL leader from Karail slum's Bou Bazar unit said he is a wholesale trader with a shop there but is currently in hiding.

"I heard they tried to break the locks of my shop but were unsuccessful. I engaged in politics to protect my business from extortion, but now I fear it might be looted any time," he said.

Another trader, who was previously associated with the AL Bou Bazar unit, said that pro-BNP men are now threatening him to leave the slum.

"I took a loan of Tk 16 lakh and built 10 shanties in the slum recently. About 10 years ago, I was involved with the Awami League. Because of this, they are now threatening my family to leave the shanties immediately," he said while in hiding.

A slum dweller said while the new group has been taking over shanties, offices, and shops primarily used by AL-affiliated men, the general public has not yet been targeted.

In Sattola slum in Mohakhali, this correspondent found that pro-BNP men had taken control of the area by driving out members of pro-AL units.

Md Momin, who claims to be the president of the Jubo Dal Sattola unit, and Saddam Hossain, a member of the Banani thana Jubo Dal unit, were seen inside the AL office in the slum.

Saddam told this correspondent that he was born in the slum but was driven out by pro-AL men in 2014.

"After 10 years, I was able to return, but I no longer found my home. So, I am living here in this office," he said.

Momin said they had expelled the AL members from the slum. He claimed that Billal Chowdhury of the Sattola unit AL used to control some shanties in the area, but they have now informed tenants that they no longer need to pay rent.

In Kalyanpur Pora Bosti, a man named Ripon, brother of a ward-level BNP leader, allegedly seized control of 100 shanties on August 6 and 7.

They also vandalised the AL-affiliated office and shanties controlled by AL men.

Ripon didn't respond to calls.

Contacted, Darussalam Thana BNP convener Syed Abu Bakkar Siddique Saju said he would take immediate action if such incidents occurred.

Two days later, this correspondent found that the new group returned many of the shanties to the slum dwellers.

In Abul's slum, also known as "Abuler Bosti," in the capital's Bhashantek, a new group has vandalised several shanties and shops that were under the control of AL members.

A slum dweller Rubina Begum, who has been living in the Bhasantek slum for 20 years, said the political leaders use them as pawns.

"If we want to stay here, we have to abide by those who come into power," she said.

SCENES FROM FOOTPATHS

Meanwhile, Dhaka's footpaths have experienced mixed changes: in some areas, hawkers are no longer paying any fees, while in others, extortion continues.

Milon Patwary, general secretary of the Karwan Bazar Pick-up Van Samity, said that they recently handed over three linemen [agents of local politicians] to students when they came asking for fees.

He said previously, they paid Tk 1,200 per month for each vehicle, along with a one-time payment of Tk 10,000-15,000. However, this practice has ceased for a week.

Some traders mentioned that trucks are still paying Tk 200-300 each night for market entry.

A lineman in the CNG Stand area of Karwan Bazar said that they still collect Tk 6,000-7,000 from footpath vendors in the area.

Belal Hossain, a cloth seller in Farmgate, said they had to pay the local councilor's men, but this practice has stopped for a week.

"A few days ago, pro-BNP activists came, distributed leaflets, and instructed us not to pay any fees," he said.

Arif Chowdhury, president of the Jatiya Hawkers' Federation, said they have directed their units not to pay any money to anyone. If anyone attempts to collect fees, they have been instructed to hand them over to students or the army.

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday said his party, if voted to power, will form a "national government" with participation from all parties that supported them throughout.

"If we are elected, we will not run the country alone ... So, where is the problem? Where is the doubt?" he said at a discussion at the Jatiya Press Club.

Highlighting the need for holding an election swiftly to save the nation, Fakhrul asked the interim government to focus on specific reforms.

"The public has started doubting you [interim government]. The people in the government are creating confusion by making various remarks. Focus should be on fixing the Election Commission, administration, and the judiciary to prepare for elections. The remaining work will be done by those elected."

Mentioning the lack of political expertise in the current administration, he said, "Factories, which are major assets of our country, are being set on fire. Why can't they address this? … They lack the political strength."

"None of these people [advisers] have political experience. Politics involves specific calculations and equations, which only politicians understand," the BNP leader said, adding that delays in holding polls will only exacerbate existing problems and create new ones.

Referring to the recent protests by the students of Government Titumir College, Fakhrul questioned the interim government's preparedness.

"Were they not intelligent enough to foresee this? Why were preventive measures not taken?" he stressed.

Urging the government for an election roadmap, Fakhrul said, "We demand polls in the interest of the nation, not for BNP's benefit. We submitted reform proposals supported by 62 parties. Review them and decide on which ones will be implemented."

"Announcing an election roadmap will restore public confidence," said the BNP leader, adding that he wants the interim government to succeed in their endeavors.

"We don't want Hasina to return," he said.