Confusion remains among many over casting votes using electronic voting machines in Satkhira-2 and Khulna-2 as they have no practical knowledge of the machines.

Besides, rumours have been  swirling around in the two constituencies that there would be irregularities in the use of EVMs on the  polling day.

Moksed Ali, a rickshaw puller from Satkhira's Bhomra, said, “Many people have been saying that the EVM will help officials identify who cast his vote for which electoral symbol.”

Mentioning that they were still in the dark about the EVM, voters said the Election Commission didn't conduct enough publicity campaigns to make them aware about the machine's use.

They expressed concern that unschooled voters might face difficulties in casting votes.

According to Election Commission documents, EVM displays have so far been held in eight out of total 22 wards in Khulna-2. Such programmes will be organised in five more wards tomorrow.

Doly Khatun, a worker at a fish processing firm, lives in Khulna city's WAPDA slum -- home to     over 8,000 low income people in ward-22.

Talking to this newspaper last week, she said, “EVMs should be used in polling centres of some specific areas inhabited by educated people as we are not well aware of their use.”

Like Doly, some other slum dwellers, mostly females, expressed worries about using voting machines.

“I am worried about casting my vote using an EVM because I know nothing about it. I will be ashamed if I cannot operate the machine properly. In that case, I will leave the polling centre without casting my vote,” said Roksana.

At least 10 other women voters echoed the worries of Roksana.

For the first time in the country's history, the Election Commission is going to use EVMs in the coming parliamentary election. For this, the EC has selected six constituencies by a lottery.

EVMs will also be used in Dhaka-6 and 13, Chattogram-9 and Rangpur-3 during the voting on December 30.

In Satkhira-2 (Sadar), 698 polling booths will be set up in 137 voting centres while Khulna-2 (Sadar and Sonadanga) will have 720 booths in 157 centres.

Talking to The Daily Star a few days ago, Satkhira Returning Officer SM Mostafa Kamal, also the district deputy commissioner, said people generally get worried whenever a new system is introduced. “We will conduct publicity campaigns to make people interested in EVMs.”

M Majharul Islam, senior district election officer in Khulna, said the EC would try to hold EVM display and mock voting in all the polling centres in Khulna-2.

Mir Mostak Ahmed Robi, ruling Awami League candidate in Satkhira-2, said votes could be cast promptly and maintaining transparency by using EVMs.

BNP nominee Nazrul Islam Monju said Khulna-2 is one of the risky constituencies in the Khulna division.

The AL men were accused of stamping ballots and rigging polls results during the last city corporation polls, he added.

Azizur Rahman, publicity secretary of Satkhira Jamaat-e-Islami, alleged that the government was going to use EVMs “to rig the polls results digitally”.

Khulna Mayor Talukder Abdul Khaleque, also the city AL president, said his party wants that the election should be held in a transparent and acceptable manner so that no one can raise any question about it.

The highly publicised appearance of a new poll monitoring group appears to have impressed many of us in Bangladesh with their high-level interactions with the Election Commission, ministers and a few other politicians. They were joined by quite a few foreigners, too, who expressed their full confidence in the EC's ability to organise fair elections. It was probably the current EC's first formal meeting on the issue of election monitoring with some "to be monitors." Though Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Kazi Habibul Awal and four other commissioners spent about an hour in a meeting with those local and foreign so-called observers, there was no communique or statement issued on the EC's behalf.

Unfortunately, colleagues in the media who covered the event didn't tell us anything beyond what the chief of the local monitoring organisation and his foreign companions told them. As far as we know, the EC is yet to announce the list of the poll monitoring organisations who received their accreditation for the next general election. The EC website has only one list containing 118 civil society organisations (CSO), which dates back to 2018, and the Election Monitoring Forum (EMF) is not one of them. But, interestingly, EMF chief Abed Ali's name is listed as the secretary-general of Saarc Human Rights Foundation (SHRF).

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Serving a party is against the oath of BPSC

EMF and SHRF are two names that should ring a bell with readers as they hit the headlines in local and foreign media in 2018 when some so-called international observers brought in by these two groups certified the much discredited December 30 parliamentary election as not only free, fair and peaceful, but a "glowing example for other democratic countries." Few weeks later, some of those observers regretted making that statement. One of the foreign observers, Tanya Foster, who visited Bangladesh with her daughter, told Reuters that they had never acted as international observers to a national election before.

The EMF website doesn't have any information about its history, such as when it was founded, whether it is a registered non-government organisation, and how or who finances their activities. However, it lists former Election Commissioner Md Shahnewaz as a director and another former Election Commissioner Brig Gen (retd) Shahadat Hossain Chowdhury as a special adviser. Interestingly, EMF's name first appeared in relation to the election that was held under Brig Gen Chowdhury's commission, though it was not accredited for election observation, but somehow associated with SHRF in bringing in foreign monitors.

One other crucial piece of information that emerged about the SHRF following the 2018 election monitoring report was that it had nothing to do with the South Asian regional grouping Saarc, but used their logo without authorisation. The foundation's advisory board also had prominent members of the ruling coalition, including Awami League MP Obaidul Muqtadir Chowdhury as its president. The Facebook page of Prof Abed Ali, now president of the EMF and secretary-general of SHRF, also contains a good number of photographs depicting his close association with the ruling party.

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Politicians must give dialogue a chance

It is, therefore, quite intriguing as to why the EC felt it necessary to hold a meeting with an organisation that does not have a clean history of poll monitoring. How can an organisation having well-publicised political links qualify for such a preferential treatment? Did the presence of two former election commissioners on the EMF board somehow influence the current EC to entertain them well before finalising the observers' list? Can a local observer group bring in foreigners for poll monitoring bypassing the EC, who alone has the legal authority to scrutinise and approve international monitors?

According to Prothom Alo, Abed Ali now admits that two of the four foreigners are journalists and therefore can be termed as observers. However, the EC has a very different accreditation process for foreign journalists.

There are published guidelines for election observation (international observers) on the EC website posted in November 2018, presumably still valid, clearly providing the route for applying and getting approval for all foreigners willing to monitor our elections. The guidelines also include a code of conduct, which states, "Maintain strict political impartiality." Does the EC now see those so-called international observers' partisan comments on a very divisive political issue made to the media as violation of the code, and will it take some visible action against them, such as debarring them from poll observation?

The importance of election monitoring can't be overemphasised. Many of us think it only happens in Third World countries like ours. But that's not true. Both local and international observers regularly observe elections in the United States. Each state of the US has its own law regulating observers, but one thing is essential and common, which is political neutrality of the observers. The Organization of Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) routinely sends observer missions to the US during general and midterm elections following invitations.

Unfortunately, due to the nature of our politics and the lack of mutual trust and respect among major contending parties, the issue of election observation has also become an issue of contention and mistrust, which in turn has made the role of international observers even more crucial. With gradual weakening of democracy and rise of authoritarianism, the ruling party seems, at least in some powerful quarters in the government, to have opted to follow the tactics deployed by some other autocratic regimes around the world.

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Column by Mahfuz Anam: Vienna Convention and the relationship with our development partners

These tricks have been identified by the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI), which it describes as "a mock-compliance strategy" to achieve external validation. Their tactics include: gatekeeper tactics with highly regulated accreditation schemes to avoid larger and renowned professional observers; observation schemes including national/regional/international "fake observers"; investment in international public relations firms to bolster the international image; and ensuring sympathetic observers from other countries via bilateral parliamentary bodies.

Their observation that the first two techniques have become widespread among all autocratic regimes can easily be drawn into our 2018 experience. One may recount the example of ANFREL, Asia's largest and most credible observer organisation, which had to abandon their Bangladesh monitoring mission owing to visa and accreditation issues. The story of SHRF hosting foreign observers is no different from the second tactic listed by the DROI.

Recognising the crucial role international observers can play in validating genuine elections, more than 20 leading international and regional organisations and institutions have formulated and endorsed a declaration of principles for international election observation and a code of conduct for international election observers. It has been in force since 2005, and any individual or organisation that does not follow this code can't be considered as an international observer.

Article 11 of the declaration reads, "A decision by any organisation to organise an international election observation mission or to explore the possibility of organising an observation mission does not imply that the organisation necessarily deems the election process in the country holding the elections to be credible. An organisation should not send an international election observation mission to a country under conditions that make it likely that its presence will be interpreted as giving legitimacy to a clearly undemocratic electoral process, and international election observation missions in any such circumstance should make public statements to ensure that their presence does not imply such legitimacy." Shouldn't we take note of these universally accepted principles and codes before calling anyone an international observer?

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His Twitter handle is @ahmedka1

Voters in Netrokona-4 had high hopes for a tough race as three women with graduate degrees were running for parliament from there.

But the situation on the ground was just like in any other constituency in Bangladesh. Ruling party men, in cases helped by law enforcers, were virtually controlling the electioneering and supporters of opposition candidates were panicking.

During 12 days of campaigning, 15 cases were filed with three police stations accusing over 1,000 BNP men of sabotage and subversive activities. Local BNP leaders claimed those were false cases.

Former BNP home minister Lutfuzzaman Babar's son Labib Zaman was also accused in three such cases.

Incumbent Rebecca Momin, wife of Awami League's former food minister Abdul Momin; and Tahmina Zaman, wife of Babar, are running in the constituency that had elected their husbands. The other female candidate Joly Talukder of Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) is a well-known workers' leader.

Voters claimed that they were expecting a tough fight in the haor-based constituency, consisting of Mohanganj, Madan, and Khaliajuri upazilas, that have been lagging behind in terms of development.

In the constituency about 30km away from Netrakona town, this correspondent saw vigorous electioneering by the ruling party men and hardly any campaign activity of the BNP.

The BNP's Mohanganj upazila office on Monday was found closed. Locals said the office had been closed for several days.

“There are problems,” was all that Sujan Mia, a tea seller nearby, agreed to say.

Some 100 metres away, the Awami League office was fully functional. SMA Ferdous, organising secretary of Mohanganj upazila AL, said their campaigning was going well.

“Every day, Rebecca Momin is visiting people in different areas and asking for votes. Besides, our area-based camps are also working.”

Another 23 kilometres away at Babar's house in Madan upazila, a few posters and banners of Tahmina Zaman were seen.

A marquee was set up and around 100 BNP leaders and activists were seen seated.

The BNP men said their electioneering has been on hold for the last seven days amid police harassment; they could only campaign in three unions.

“We are on the run. Almost all our leaders are accused and police are carrying out raids regularly,” said Mustafizur Rahman Titu, a BNP leader. Around 65 of their activists have been arrested since campaigning began, he added.

Nurul Alam, president of Madan upazila BNP, claimed they were on a road-show on December 15 when police suddenly prevented their rally and attacked them in Kaitail union.

“But three cases were filed against us the next day. Our leader's son Labib, who came from Dhaka only to take part in the campaign for his mother, was made the prime accused,” said Alam.

According to the case statement, police fired 61 shots and one gas canister on that day.

Alam said police and DB raided Babar's house on the night of December 16. “Is this a level-playing field?”

Of the 15 cases, nine were filed with Madan Police Station. The Daily Star obtained copies of the nine. Noteworthy, the cases filed on December 18, 22, and 23 all have the same text but the names, places, times and dates have been changed.

Refuting allegations, Ramijul Haque, officer-in-charge of Madan Police Station, said the cases were filed on valid grounds.

BNP men said they are confident of victory in the constituency, if a fair election is held. AL men said Rebecca's honesty and promises of development were their strengths.

The AL and BNP have fought hard for this seat since 1991. Babar won the race in 1991, while Momin won the next in 1996. Babar again won in 2001, while Momin's wife Rebecca won the polls in 2008. In 2014, Rebecca won uncontested.

The BNP has virtually been sidelined in its Lakshmipur stronghold while its rival Awami League's campaigning has been going on in full swing.

Posters and campaigning by the Jatiya Oikyafront, the alliance of which the BNP is a component, can hardly be seen anywhere in the four constituencies of the district.

During a recent visit, The Daily Star spoke to 40 voters in Lakshmipur-3 and Lakshmipur-1 and talked to sources in the other two.

“The scenario is quite unusual. An eerie calm is prevailing. We fear violence in the days ahead,” said 45-year old Mohammad Harun, a rickshaw puller of Sadar upazila under Lakshmipur-3.

“The district is a base of the BNP, but the party is cornered,” said another local at a tea stall.

Their fears seem logical as BNP leaders have said they would take to the street on polls day to stop “vote rigging”.

Since 1991, the BNP bagged all the seats in the district, except once (Lakshmipur-4 in 1996). The BNP did not take part in the 2014 polls.

Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal Chief ASM Abdur Rab, who defeated the BNP candidate in 1996, is running this year as a candidate of the Jatiya Oikyafront.

Rezaul Karim Liton, general secretary of the district Jubo Dal, alleged that voters were being intimidated and that they were not being allowed to hang posters.

“Whenever our activists try to campaign, our loud speakers are taken away by force. All these are spreading a sense of panic among voters,” he said.

“We will guard the polling centre, whatever the situation becomes.”

On Monday, Abu Taher, former general secretary of AL district unit and also the mayor of Lakshmipur municipality, threatened voters of dire consequence if they did not vote for “boat”.

"Cast your votes properly. I will be at the chairman post for two and a half more years. The roads will be dug up at night and the drains will be destroyed," Taher said at an election rally in the area in front of 200-250 people.

Civil Aviation and Tourism Minister AKM Shahjahan Kamal is running with the AL ticket against BNP Publicity Affairs Secretary Shaheed Uddin Chowdhury Annie in Lakshmipur-3.

This correspondent saw Annie's posters in some areas of Lakshmipur-3 but posters of Oikyafront candidate and Liberal Democratic Party leader Shahadat Hossain Selim was hardly seen in Lakshmipur-1.

Numerous posters of the boat symbol were seen on roads and in rural markets in both constituencies.

Talking to The Daily Star, some local BNP leaders in Lakshmipur-1 said they cannot stay home at night as police often carries out raids.

"Police have openly taken the side of 'boat'. They have asked several of my campaigners to leave the areas, threatening to shoot them in the leg otherwise," Oikyafront candidate Shahadat Hossain Selim told The Daily Star. 

"I have submitted six to seven complaints to the returning officer but they did not take any action," he added.

He alleged that AL men attacked his village home in Karpara area but police did not take any step to arrest the attackers.

Shafiq Mahmud Pintu, president of Ramganj upazila unit AL, said he did not hear about any incident of attack or violence in the upazila.

Contacted, Tota Mia, officer-in-charge of Ramganj Police Station under Lakshmipur-1, said the allegation against the police was baseless.

"There is a good election atmosphere here and all candidates are campaigning."

We may all breathe a sigh of relief that the brouhaha over the EVMs is finally over, with the Election Commission deciding to forego the use of the electronic machines in the upcoming parliamentary election citing a lack of funds. Since it was first introduced in 2018, there have been widespread fear about its fool-proofness to electoral tampering; in particular, concerns were raised about the audit cards via which election results are collected, which are vulnerable to manipulation in the absence of a voter-verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT). Despite strong reservations from many political parties, including the BNP, and civil society actors, the EC, till now, seemed hell-bent on going ahead with its decision to use EVMs, finalising a massive Tk 8,711 crore project for EVM procurement and management last year.

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Why should we trust EVMs?

We are glad that the EC has finally seen reason, if only in consideration of the enormous expenses that the project would entail. Back when the proposal was first made, we had warned the EC against such an expensive undertaking in the midst of the worst economic and cost-of-living crisis in over a decade, particularly given that Bangladesh was buying the EVMs at inflated costs. Now that the EC has retracted its position, we wonder what will happen to the 150,000 EVMs already bought in phases since 2018, at 11 times the price of the machines in India. EVMs worth Tk 642 crore have already become unusable for a lack of proper storage facility and maintenance, according to EC documents. We urge the EC to make sure that our remaining stock – paid with taxpayers' money – are stored properly so that they may be used in the future, if and when it is decided, through political consensus, to switch to EVMs. 

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‘Decision to use EVMs defies all logic’

While the decision to scrap the EVMs is a step in the right direction, the EC must not lose sight of the fact that there are many other pressing issues that it must address before the public, and other political parties can be confident that the upcoming elections will be free, fair and participatory. Foremost among them is ensuring full independence of the EC, and guaranteeing the ever-illusive "level-playing field" for all political parties. Unfortunately, the performance of the EC in the by-elections, except for one notable exception, has not inspired confidence in its ability to rise above and rein in party politics. As it tries to engage with other political parties and to ensure them of its neutrality, the commission needs to remember that it is only through its commitment to the electoral process – rather than the party in power – that it can inspire faith about its ability to guide the nation to a democratic future. 

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EC in second year must do a better job

The EC must also prove its ability to ensure compliance of the administration and law enforcement in playing their part in defending the democratic process. It must not be seen as reflecting the increasingly intolerant stance of the government towards critics, human rights defenders and the media. 

The BNP, on its end, must forego its propensity to reject any and all proposal and initiatives of the EC, without due consideration or discussion. Such wholesale rejection will not produce constructive results, and risks jeopardising not just future prospects for the party, but the country at large.