Women
in parliament
Direct
Election is the best alternative
Hussain
M Fazlul Bari
The fourteenth amendment of the Constitution introduced provision
for 45 reserved seats for women for 10 years, which attracts sharp and
swift reaction from many stakeholders. While the concerned quarters
are demanding for direct election of women MPs, the present amendment
instead calls for distribution of these reserved seats among political
parties on the basis of proportional representation in the Parliament.
A new Article 65(3) along with amendment in the Fourth Schedule hits
the most-talked issue of women representation in the House of the Nation.
In 1972 our constitution
started its journey with a traditional provision of 15 reserved seats
for women MPs for 10 years. The Fifth Amendment (1979) increased the
number from 15 to 30 and period was extended from 10 to 15 years. This
period expired on 10 December, 1987 and as such the Fourth Parliament
(1988) had no reserved seats for women. The Tenth Amendment (1990) provided
for 30 reserved women seats for a further period of 10 years beginning
the commencement of the next parliament. This period also expired on
5 April 2001 and consequently we witness 8th parliament with landslide
decrease in the total number of women MPs. If we count women's reserved
seats along with general seats, increased women participation is evident
in the Parliament except in the 8th & 4th parliament. The figure
illustrates the presence of women MPs in the parliament
No.of
Parliament |
Reserved
sit for women |
Women
MP from general seats |
Total
number of women MPs |
Total
number MPs in Parliament |
Percentafe
of women PMs |
First
(1973) |
15 |
0 |
15 |
315 |
4.76% |
Second
(1979) |
30 |
0 |
30 |
330 |
9.09% |
Third
(1986) |
30 |
2 |
32 |
330 |
9.69% |
Fourth
(1988) |
0 |
4 |
04 |
300 |
1.33% |
Fifth
(1991) |
30 |
05 |
35 |
330 |
10.00% |
Seventh
(1996) |
30 |
7 |
37 |
330 |
11.21% |
Eighth
(2001) |
0 |
7 |
07 |
300 |
2.33% |
6th
Parliament is not included here |
Though
women constitute half of our population, they are in a disadvantaged
position and their status is unequal with that of men. Various attempts
have been made to uplift their status by ensuring their meaningful involvement
in the policy making process as well as other socio-economic measures.
The purpose of art 65 (3) is to ensure a minimum representation of women
in the legislative process and to ensure a better participation of women
in national politics. The noble philosophy behind the incorporation
of such provision has become meaningless due to selection process of
women MPs. The selection of women MPs worked as a balance of power and
party having majority in parliament used them as tools to serve their
political purpose. For instance, in 1991, BNP having simple majority
used these seats as a tool to achieve its absolute majority paving its
way to go to power. And it was possible for Ershad to pass the Seventh
Amendment to the constitution using the women MPs.
The present provision
of proportional representation among political parties is a step forward
than the previous one. To many, it is better than the worst, as it restricts
the party having majority to take all. In other respect, new proposition
is same wine in the new bottle. In this process, party allegiance and
lobbying with the party high command will be sole criterion for selection.
Again women MPs will be puppets in the pursuit of political gain of
parties. In this system there will no particular women's constituency
and therefore, will lack geographical representation. In addition, proportional
representation of women MPs is not based on the total number of popular
votes, rather than on the number of MPs of political parties. The proposal
does not conform to the one of the most basic sprit of democracy direct
election.
In practice, selective
MPs suffer from inferiority complex regarding status, rights and responsibilities.
After all, the new model will in no way infuse new blood in the empowerment
process of women. Because these 45 women will really represent none
but the party which will select them.
There is an undercurrent
of demand for direct election and substantial increase of women representation
in the House of the Nation, on the part of the stakeholders. All major
political parties promised direct election of more women MPs in their
election manifestoes. It is unfortunate that BNP is deviating from its
election pledge.
It is pertinent
to note that women's active participation in the Parliament is mostly
dependent on the proper functioning of the House itself. It is irony
of our fate that not a single Parliament so far has been centre of democratic
norms and practice. Our nascent parliamentary democracy is tainted with
unnecessary walkout, boycott by the opposition, and treasury bench has
never been enthusiastic with the presence of opposition in the House.
As a result, streets instead of parliament, have become centre of all
activities of democracy here, and we are moving towards confrontational
politics gradually. Consequently, we are still languishing behind sweeping
corruption, waves of crimes and acute lawlessness.
Among the various
ways of electing representatives, direct election soul of democracy
is most logical. The govt. has discarded this norm terming it 'impractical'
as a single women seat consists of multiple constituencies. But this
is a lame excuse to introduce a controversial alternative which in no
way will improve the condition of women. The Modern democracies are
based on party system. Then a woman candidate will clearly be supported
by her fellow comrades in a big constituency. All major political parties
will nominate candidates to 45 seats and, more women will be in the
electoral process which will ensure better selection of candidates.
The general voters may examine the performance of their leaders. It
will increase the presence of women in party structure and national
politics. This will ultimately mature the women leadership in the country.
The active and constructive
participation of women in the political process has empty been demonstrated
by the fact that attempt has been made to increase the number of women
reserved seats. There is growing trend of more women representation
in various local bodies as well. But debate remains as to their effective
participation in the parliament rather than to be puppet's as selective
members of political parties. One way of improving leadership and managerial
capacity of women should necessarily include direct election of 45 reserved
seats in the Parliament, that the govt. as well as the opposition should
take initiative to make the parliament effective.
Hussain
M Fazlul Bari is an advocate.