The recent killing of a Jubo League leader in Natore, allegedly by BNP-linked men, serves as another grim reminder of the cycle of political retribution that has followed the fall of the Awami League regime, in what appears to be a tit-for-tat response to how Awami League had treated BNP and its affiliates while in power. According to a report, the victim, Saidur Rahman Babu, succumbed to his injuries on Wednesday after a brutal assault. He had been in hiding since his home was attacked on August 5, but on October 30, he was caught by his assailants, tied to an electric pole, and beaten with sticks and iron rods. Saidur's family accused Kabir Hossain Kangal, a Jubo Dal leader, of leading the assault and previously demanding Tk 5 lakh in exchange for his safety.

Read more

BNP faces the weight of history and expectations

These vengeful incidents are showing little sign of abating even after three months. It's quite frustrating for those who had expected the culture of political repression to end with the end of an autocrat's rule, paving the way for a politics that truly serves public interests. The ongoing violence and harassment targeting the once-ruling camp raise concerns about a likely resurgence of authoritarianism under different banners. Almost every day, we get to see some troubling sign of authoritarian tendencies—murder, vandalism, threats, opportunistic extortion, forced takeover of properties, frivolous lawsuits, etc. Data from the rights group Manabadhikar Shongskriti Foundation (MSF) also reflects the persistent nature of these politically motivated crimes, with at least 12 fatalities in October, nine linked to Awami League alone.

Read more

A call to end the cycle of revenge politics

This, on a broader level, aligns with how political parties that were part of the AL-led 14-party alliance are being targeted, with a report by this daily revealing that many party offices were vandalised, abandoned, and even repurposed. Some public outbursts towards these parties were expected because of their role over the past 15 years, and particularly their complicity or silence during the brutal killings of students and other ordinary citizens during the July-August uprising. But what's happening now seems more politically designed, which is concerning.

Read more

BNP’s unfolding strategic stance: Straddling the aftermath of a revolutionary ‘event’ and realpolitik

We, therefore, call on the interim government and leading political parties to break this cycle of retributive violence. The BNP secretary general on Thursday said that party leaders and activists have "taken a fresh vow to resist hegemonic forces" and safeguard democracy. We appreciate the gesture but would like to see matching actions on the ground. Political parties, including BNP, that once suffered heavily during Awami League's rule must ensure that they don't end up repeating its wrongs. The onus also falls on the government to establish accountability of the excesses being committed, particularly by ensuring thorough investigations and fair trials for all political killings as well as punitive action against anyone committing or inciting political violence.

We are concerned about the ongoing trend of political violence that has gripped the country in recent months. According to a report by the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS), at least 23 people lost their lives and 733 others were injured in over 97 incidents of political violence in March. Meanwhile, there were at least 40 cases of mob beatings resulting in 12 deaths and 44 injuries—some of which were also reported to have been driven by political motives and personal grudges. As for the parties involved in political violence, we are told that the majority of attacks were confrontations between rival factions of BNP activists. Of the 23 people killed in such violence last month, 18 were reportedly affiliated with BNP.

Read more

Why can’t mob violence be contained?

What has led to this surge in political violence? Why can't political parties control their errant members and establish discipline? The manner in which some of the attacks were carried out shows how out of control many political activists and leaders have become. On March 12, a BNP activist was killed during a clash at an iftar programme. Earlier, a BNP leader was beaten to death by his rivals right in front of his wife. It is clear that criminal elements embedded within some of the parties are feeling emboldened by the normalisation of such violence over time and the lack of legal or political consequences. This is unacceptable.

Read more

Police alone cannot take on violent mobs

The BNP, in particular, must take responsibility for the surge in intra-party violence. Although it has expelled quite a number of party members for their involvement in violent incidents, these actions have proven insufficient as a deterrent. The BNP, therefore, must take stronger measures and send a clear message to all its members and supporters that any involvement in political violence will have immediate and dire consequences. Equally importantly, law enforcement agencies must act decisively to curb violence and refrain from favouring any party or individual while doing so.

Read more

Stop retributive violence in politics

All stakeholders of post-uprising Bangladesh should come together to help restore the rule of law. This means the police should act with greater resolve, political parties should take responsibility for the crimes of their members, and community and religious leaders should actively discourage mob violence. A new Bangladesh demands a new political expression that doesn't involve impulsive violence.

After having weathered a difficult 15 years in the opposition camp, it is natural that there would be chaos in a big party like BNP as it goes about reorganising its house with an eye on the next election. But after over two months since the fall of Awami League, BNP still seems nowhere close to establishing internal discipline. Rather, reports of widespread extortion, infighting, and other illegal and unruly activities by party members are overshadowing its pro-people messages to become the dominant narrative surrounding the party. If morning shows the day, then critics are perhaps right to wonder if a BNP regime would be significantly different from the one it helped to oust.

Read more

BNP faces the weight of history and expectations

This concern has again come to the fore after a report by Prothom Alo revealed how two BNP leaders, including the convener of BNP's recently-dissolved Dhaka North unit, have taken over extortion operations at key transportation hubs in Dhaka, including the Mohakhali bus terminal, where over a million taka is allegedly collected every day. After August 5, they took control of the Dhaka Road Transport Owners' Association. They also established control over local businesses and even mosques in areas previously controlled by Awami League's inner circle. At the terminals, extortion is taking place in various forms, such as charging fees for using illegally set facilities like toilets and showers, entry or exit fees for long-distance buses, etc. Clearly, little has changed in terms of abuse of power after the regime power.

Read more

BNP must control errant party activists

This is despite what appears to have been a large-scale purge within the party. To date, according to another report by Prothom Alo, some 1,023 leaders have faced various disciplinary actions over the past two months—with 523 receiving show-cause notices, 437 expelled, 24 suspended, 35 warned, and four served notice for breaching party discipline. There have been even instances of dissolution of entire committees. Despite all such measures, the persistence of unruly activities by party members points to deep-seated structural issues within the BNP that need to be resolved first.

Read more

Stop political capture of the public sector

The time has come for a critical rethink by the BNP leadership. They must recognise that the stakes now are higher than ever. If BNP cannot get its house in order, it risks alienating not just the reformists within the party but the broader population who expect real change after decades of political instability and corruption in the country. So, besides ensuring sustained disciplinary actions, BNP must find out what's emboldening errant party members and undertake comprehensive reforms by placing ethical and democratic conduct at the heart of its operations.

With the national election still two weeks away, many national and international observers have already termed it as a farce or "staged election", and it is easy to see why. One of the key features of any election is the ability of voters to select the winner. If voters are not presented with any real options to choose from, then arguably the most important purpose of an election is defeated. That is why we saw the ruling party scrambling to field dummy candidates or bargaining with the Jatiya Party to make up for the absence of the BNP and other like-minded parties, thus giving the election some sort of legitimacy.

Let us not forget that the idea of fielding dummy candidates this time—we have, of course, heard about it in previous elections also—came from the very top of the Awami League. So, if the ruling party itself is offering voters the option to choose from either a candidate of the Awami League or a dummy, what real options do voters have? And what message are they to receive from the ones conducting this election—namely, the Election Commission—who, knowing this, is still going ahead with the election? Are people to believe that the EC is conducting it in the interest of voters? Of course not.

Read more

Why do other parties need AL’s concessions to win election?

The EC asking the home ministry to take steps to prevent political rallies and processions of all kinds, except for electoral campaigns, from December 18 till polling day, also makes it complicit in suppressing protests against what a number of opposition parties see as being a farcical election. Interestingly, earlier on that same day, the Awami League's general secretary urged the commission and law enforcement agencies to take a strong stance against forces that the ruling party saw were against the elections—mainly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Such a step to stop political rallies and programmes, it can be argued, is unconstitutional, as it denies political parties in the opposition camp the right to assembly, the right to protest, the right to movement and the right to free expression.

As concerning as the use of such a tactic may be, it hasn't been the only one used to set up what seems to be a staged and one-sided election. Last month, The Guardian reported how Bangladesh saw "full prisons and false charges" due to the crackdown on the opposition. Following such "a ruthless crackdown on the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party" in the run-up to the elections, it noted how few "believe the election will be free, fair or remotely democratic." This strategy, according to The New York Times, is leading to "Bangladesh's multiparty democracy…being methodically strangled in crowded courtrooms."

The expediated trials leading to the convictions of hundreds of opposition leaders and activists further validate such apprehensions. For example, on December 11, at least 42 BNP members and those of its infamous allies—Jamaat-e-Islami—were convicted in four cases. Between August-December, 961 opposition leaders and activists were reportedly sentenced to imprisonment in 62 cases in Dhaka. What makes these especially controversial is that convictions were apparently made without considering any independent witnesses or only with police deposition, and defence lawyers further alleged that less than half of the prosecution witnesses were heard. Furthermore, it must be noted that such speedy disposal of cases is unusual in a country where justice delivery has become particularly slow. This fact, and our previous history of witnessing politically motivated cases right before elections, indicate that opposition leaders are again being targeted and kept out of the electoral fray.

Read more

Of the AL, for the AL, and by the AL

In that regard, the recent comments made by Awami League presidium member and agriculture minister Abdur Razzaque, that jailed BNP men were offered freedom if the party agreed to contest the polls, is telling. Although AL later tried to play it down and its general secretary said it was Razzaque's personal opinion, it lends further credence to the public perception that all these arrests and convictions are being made in trumped up cases for political reasons. Additionally, it raises two very important questions: 1) If we are currently in a situation where the ruling party can decide to arrest and release thousands of opposition leaders and activists, is it really conducive for a free and fair election? And 2) what has happened to the independence of the legal system?

Such an admission and the underlying state of affairs—for example, since 2009, 1,37,569 cases have been filed against 49,80,826 BNP leaders and activists—show that the Awami League is bent on ensuring its grip over power by using the full might of the state machinery. What is missing in all of this is the role of the citizens, who have all but lost their right to vote. As a result, government officials across the board are no longer accountable to the people and so, the people no longer have any say in how the state is being run, nor how the elections should be conducted. So, even though it's been the opposition that has mainly been on the receiving end of the government's high-handedness and the ruling party's vitriol, ultimately, it will be the general people who are likely to be the biggest losers of the elections.

Eresh Omar Jamal is a journalist at The Daily Star. His X handle is @EreshOmarJamal

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.