The lists of dengue infections and deaths are only getting longer, and nobody can tell if, or when, the situation will get better. The prices of daily essentials continue to skyrocket, with the price of eggs, the go-to protein for the poor, now equal to that of a kilogram of broiler chicken. Meanwhile, more than 50 people were killed in the floods in Chattogram and the Chittagong Hill Tracts area in recent weeks.

In all of this, it is the common people (or in the context of the upcoming national election, the voters) who are the worst sufferers. But the politicians seem to be blissfully oblivious to the plight of their electorate. There is no denying that the country is headed towards its next parliamentary election with the two major political parties harbouring opposite stances regarding the election itself. Of course, a free, fair, and inclusive election is necessary for a better society and stronger democracy. But when people are suffering the most, when they are dying because of poor governance, how can the political parties focus on only the physical exercise of the election and how it will play out in about four months? Shouldn't their focus be on how best to serve the people now? Shouldn't they be concerned about the welfare of the poorest of society? Shouldn't our politicians be working to win the hearts and minds of the people, instead of engaging in political power play with their archrivals?

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Living like the poor, paying like the rich

Ideally, and historically, people get into politics for the welfare of their people. But it appears from recent political machinations that the people have been conveniently forgotten or even sidelined in the game of politics. When one political party says that the country's people are with it, and the other party claims that it represents the people, I can't help but wonder who it is that is actually representing me, or has my interests at heart.

Bangladeshi politics is going through a critical phase. The fact is that politicians have lost control over politics in general, which appears to have been hijacked by corporate interests – given the representation of businessmen and former bureaucrats in the parliament. Currently, around 62 percent of lawmakers are from the business sector. The government's dependency on the administration has increased. And none but the politicians have brought this upon themselves, in their pursuit of shortcuts and expediency. When career politicians become weak, so does politics. And when the people are sidelined, politics – so far as it is concerned with maintaining democracy – becomes more fragile.

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Is the Awami League worried?

It is in this context that the exhortations of the diplomatic corps in Dhaka – India, China, the US, and the EU – about the supremacy of the people and how they hope that the people's wishes will be reflected in the outcome of the election, are both ironic and intriguing.

The two previous elections changed the nature of Bangladeshi people's participation in national politics. The 2014 election, which BNP had boycotted and which saw 153 lawmakers being elected uncontested, remains a rare example of a lopsided election. In the 2018 election, many people were denied the right to cast their votes, and allegations emerged of ballot-stuffing on the eve of elections, so much so that it was even mentioned by Awami League's alliance members. When politicians found that they could get elected even without votes, voters ceased to become a factor to consider when trying to win elections. In the past, candidates did have to woo voters, and win their hearts and minds to get their votes. But now, when a mere nomination all but guarantees victory for a candidate, the exercise of putting in effort to win voters has become all but cosmetic.

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Did BNP make the wrong call?

On the other hand, while the opposition can do little so far as actual measures are concerned – whether that relates to dengue or prices – it is their responsibility to hold the government accountable. It falls on the opposition to keep these issues alive so that the government cannot ignore them. One way to do that is in parliament, which has unfortunately lost its purpose since the official opposition is, by and large, an informal extension of the ruling party alliance. Meanwhile, the main opposition camp on the streets, BNP, is too obsessed with its one-point demand for a resignation of the ruling government than with the plight of the voters.

So now, whenever I hear calls for this or that "in the name of the people," and when political parties launch campaigns for the supposed sake of the people, it seems to me that those politicians are merely cementing their political careers using the name of the people. Is anyone actually thinking about the families of those 50 people who died in the floods? Or about the children who are going to bed hungry in Bangladesh even now? That one has to pose such questions in a column is perhaps an even bigger tragedy.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is chief reporter at The Daily Star.

This year, the Victory Day feels particularly significant due to this year's powerful uprising. To commemorate this special day, here are some events to help you embrace the spirit of patriotism. 

Among them is a special concert titled "Shobar Agey Bangladesh", organised by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), taking place today at Manik Mia Avenue.

The concert will feature artistes including Syed Abdul Hadi, Khurshid Alam, Kanak Chapa, Baby Naznin, Monir Khan, Kona, Imran, Pritom, Mousumi, and Xefer. Additionally, popular bands such as Nagarbaul, Ark, Shironamhin, Artcell, Avoid Rafa, Different Touch, and Souls will also perform.

Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy has organised a day-long program to celebrate Victory Day, featuring a month-long exhibition titled "2024: Oi Notuner Keton Ure". This exhibition showcases posters, paintings, photographs, videos, and cartoons that capture various aspects of the July uprising. It aims to create a comprehensive archive documenting student and public protests, the fall of authoritarian regimes, and dynamic movements through wall writings, murals, and photographic records. Cultural Adviser Mostofa Sarwar Farooki will inaugurate the exhibition at 7 pm. 

A special dance performance, titled "Mora Jhonjhar Moto Uddam" will be presented by artists from the Bangladesh Dancers' Foundation. Renowned singer Ferdous Ara will also perform a special solo musical performance, alongside band performances by Artcell and Lalon.

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Revisiting big-screen Liberation War classics

If you prefer to stay home and enjoy some uplifting movies and music on TV, here's a list of programmes you can look forward to.

Banglavision will feature a special guest, renowned singer Shaheen Samad, on their morning program "Din Protidin." An esteemed artiste of the Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra, who played a key role in motivating millions during the 1971 Liberation War, Shaheen Samad will share inspiring stories of the freedom fighters and reflect on the experiences of Victory Day. She will also discuss her dreams about music and the current state of affairs. The program will air at 8:30 am today.

Boishakhi TV will broadcast a special drama titled "Birongona", starring Aparna Ghose as Birongona. The drama highlights the sacrifices and struggles faced by the unsung heroes of 1971. The cast also includes Rawnak Hasan, Manoj Pramanik, Riya Khan, and Monir Zaman in key roles. It will air at 10:30 pm today.

At 10:00 am, "Hangor Nodi Grenade," directed by Chashi Nazrul Islam and starring Sohel Rana, Suchorita, and Rajib, will be telecast. At 2:30 pm, the movie "Alor Michil", directed by Narayan Ghosh Mita and featuring Anwar Hossain, Babita, Razzak, and Sujata, will also air.

Bangladesh Television (BTV) has arranged a range of special programmes, including documentaries, children's shows, dance performances, musical events, self-composed poetry recitals and dramas.

BTV will broadcast the special drama "Chobi Kotha Bole" at 9:05 PM, starring Kazi Asad, Momena Chowdhury, AK Azad Shetu, Sallha Khanam Nadia, Sabbir Ahmed, and others.

Channel i will air the Impress Telefilm production "Oggatonama", directed by Tauquir Ahmed, at 3:05 PM. Additionally, a special telefilm titled "Tumi Asbe Bole" will be broadcast at 9:35 PM.

At 10:15 am, "Sphulingo" will be aired, starring Pori Moni, Zakia Bari Mamo, and Shamol Mawla. At 2:10 pm, the movie "Bhuban Majhi" will be shown, featuring Parambrata Chattopadhyay and Aparna Ghose in the lead roles.

At Maasranga Television, a special drama titled "Shesh Prohor" will air at 10:30 pm. Directed by Chayanika Chowdhury, the drama stars Shashwata Datta, Aisha Khan, Abul Hayat, and others.

We are concerned about the ongoing trend of political violence that has gripped the country in recent months. According to a report by the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS), at least 23 people lost their lives and 733 others were injured in over 97 incidents of political violence in March. Meanwhile, there were at least 40 cases of mob beatings resulting in 12 deaths and 44 injuries—some of which were also reported to have been driven by political motives and personal grudges. As for the parties involved in political violence, we are told that the majority of attacks were confrontations between rival factions of BNP activists. Of the 23 people killed in such violence last month, 18 were reportedly affiliated with BNP.

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Why can’t mob violence be contained?

What has led to this surge in political violence? Why can't political parties control their errant members and establish discipline? The manner in which some of the attacks were carried out shows how out of control many political activists and leaders have become. On March 12, a BNP activist was killed during a clash at an iftar programme. Earlier, a BNP leader was beaten to death by his rivals right in front of his wife. It is clear that criminal elements embedded within some of the parties are feeling emboldened by the normalisation of such violence over time and the lack of legal or political consequences. This is unacceptable.

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Police alone cannot take on violent mobs

The BNP, in particular, must take responsibility for the surge in intra-party violence. Although it has expelled quite a number of party members for their involvement in violent incidents, these actions have proven insufficient as a deterrent. The BNP, therefore, must take stronger measures and send a clear message to all its members and supporters that any involvement in political violence will have immediate and dire consequences. Equally importantly, law enforcement agencies must act decisively to curb violence and refrain from favouring any party or individual while doing so.

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Stop retributive violence in politics

All stakeholders of post-uprising Bangladesh should come together to help restore the rule of law. This means the police should act with greater resolve, political parties should take responsibility for the crimes of their members, and community and religious leaders should actively discourage mob violence. A new Bangladesh demands a new political expression that doesn't involve impulsive violence.

The enormous sacrifices made during the July-August uprising have created a historic opportunity for Bangladesh to reshape its political landscape, strengthen institutions, and ensure accountable governance. However, as the months trickle by and the interim government faces various challenges, a critical question has emerged lately: should the desired reforms precede elections, or should an elected government take the reins of reform implementation? Recent statements by government officials and political leaders indicate a divide that must be bridged for the sake of the nation.

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Politics, patience and people’s mandate

At a two-day event in Dhaka recently, several government advisers weighed in on the issue, emphasising the need for reforms as well as consensus. In his address, Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus affirmed that preparations for reforms and elections would proceed simultaneously, suggesting that reforms without consensus and elections without reforms would be counterproductive. Currently, 15 reform commissions are working on proposals expected to be ready by January. Adviser Mahfuj Alam, in his address, stated that consultation with all stakeholders, including political parties, would determine the nature and extent of reforms. "We need agreement on how much reform is possible and whether a legal framework can ensure that future governments continue these initiatives," he said. Meanwhile, Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan warned that political stability will not be achieved if we falter on the issue of reforms.

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Election in first half of ’26 is not unreasonable, but Dec ’25 is doable

Meanwhile, BNP has insisted that elections and reforms should progress in tandem. Senior leaders, including Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, have expressed concerns that prioritising reforms over elections could stall the democratic process. Rizvi, speaking at a separate event, was particularly critical, claiming that proponents of a reform-first approach harbour "evil intentions" by suggesting that political parties' push for a democratic transition equates to opposing reforms. He underscored the urgency of restoring power to elected representatives, who could then implement reforms with a popular mandate.

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How election can be a tool of accountability

We must say that both sides have points that are valid, and not necessarily contradictory. The government's emphasis on implementing some reforms before elections reflects the understanding that a broken system cannot deliver on people's aspirations. Without addressing systemic flaws—such as the politicisation of state institutions, the erosion of rule of law, economic disparities, etc—elections, no matter how well-conducted, risk perpetuating entrenched power structures. On the other hand, delaying elections excessively risks creating a perception of authoritarian drift as well as alienating those eager to exercise their voting rights.

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The case for internal reforms within political parties

So, how can we bridge this gap? Through dialogue and compromise, of course. Both camps must find common ground in their positions, tempering their adversarial tones to prevent the ongoing reform drive from being questioned or derailed. That said, the sacrifices of July-August demand more than short-term fixes or a partial democratic transition. Proper reforms are crucial not just for safeguarding the gains of the uprising but also for ensuring that future governments operate within the desired framework of accountability.

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A turning point or a missed opportunity?

We, therefore, urge political parties to engage in the reform process in good faith, ensuring that their push for elections aligns with the broader goal of strengthening democracy. At the same time, the interim government must address the scepticism about its reform agenda, demonstrating its commitment to meaningful and inclusive change. Only through a collaborative approach can the reform vs election debate be resolved.