Seven candidates running with the “sheaf of paddy” electoral symbol were attacked allegedly by ruling party men yesterday while 130 supporters of the Awami League and the BNP were injured across the country in polls violence.

In Khagrachhari, minutes after a campaign office was attacked about a kilometre away, two people were shot dead at a market in Panchhari upazila in broad daylight. It could not be confirmed immediately whether the killings were election related.

Late last night in Nawabganj of Dhaka-1 constituency, at least 12 journalists were injured when they were attacked by masked men at a guest house.

BNP candidates Moudud Ahmed was attacked in Noakhali-5, Miah Nuruddin Apu in Shariatpur-3, Shaheed Uddin Chowdhury Annie in Lakshmipur-3, Lutfar Rahman Khan Azad in Tangail-3, Sabina Yesmin Chhobi in Natore-2, Sunsila Jabrin Priyanka in Sherpur-1, and 20-party candidate Monir Hossain was attacked in Narayanganj-4, reports our correspondents.

Annie and Apu were hurt in the attacks.

A clash erupted between supporters of Annie and AL men at Shantirhat Bazar area of Lakshmipur Sadar. Annie and around 25 BNP and 10 AL men were wounded.

Kushakhali union parishad AL President Nurul Amin said that it was the BNP men who attacked the AL supporters.

Officer-in-Charge (OC) Abul Kalam Azad of Chandraganj Police Station said law enforcers went to the spot and fired shots in the air to disperse the feuding groups. He claimed that two policemen were injured.

In Potti area of Shariatpur's Goshairhat upazila, Apu and 25 of his supporters were injured when attacked by allegedly AL men.

Syed Nasir Uddin, general secretary of Goshairhat AL, claimed that ruling party men were not involved and speculated that it could have been the result of BNP's internal conflict.

Moudud in a press conference yesterday alleged that AL men carried out the attack in Notun Bazar area of Kompaniganj. Five of his supporters were injured and two vehicles were vandalised in the incident.

Noakhali AL organising secretary Mizanur Rahman in a separate press conference at Kompaniganj claimed that Moudud was lying to get favours from the administration.

Kompaniganj OC said he did not know about any attack on Moudud.

An Awami League activist, who came under attack allegedly by BNP men, being treated at Sher-e-Bangla Medical College Hospital in Barishal. Photo: Collected/Star

At least five BNP men were injured when alleged AL men attacked BNP candidate Chhobi and her supporters when they were campaigning in Tebaria Bazar area of Natore.

Natore AL Joint Secretary Mortuja Ali said they did not know anything about the attack.

Abul Hasnat, additional superintendent of police (sadar circle) of the district, said law enforcers went to the spot and brought the situation under control.

BNP candidate Priyanka yesterday alleged that 19 of her supporters were injured when AL men attacked them in Ghughurkandi Bazar area of Sherpur.

AL candidate of the same constituency Atiur Rahman Atik claimed that it was the AL men who were attacked by BNP supporters.

OC of Sherpur Sadar Police Station said a running battle was fought by the two groups but no one filed any complaints.

Around 10 BNP men were injured and a vehicle was vandalised when the motorcade of BNP leader Lutfar was attacked allegedly by AL men in Atharodana area of Tangail's Ghatail upazila.

Dilruba Ahmed, assistant returning officer and UNO of Ghatail, said she had sent police to the spot after hearing the news of trouble.

Shahidul Islam, coordinator of the local AL candidate's campaigning team, denied the allegation of AL men's involvement and said the BNP candidate was spreading rumours to tarnish the image of his party candidate.

In Narayanganj, alleged AL men attacked Monir Hossain when he was campaigning near the main gate of Rupayan Residential Area in Fatullah upazila.

Narayanganj city AL Joint Secretary Sha Nizam said no AL men attacked Monir.

Mohammad Shajalal, inspector (investigation) of Fatullah Model Police Station, said he did not get any complaints.

Meanwhile, in Narsingdi, two people beat up Bahauddin Milton, personal secretary to BNP standing committee member and party nominee for Narsingdi-3 Abdul Moin Khan on Palash upazila nirbahi officer's office premises around 12:30pm.

In Pabna, at least 10 people were injured when AL and BNP men clashed over electioneering in Sagarkandi Bazar area of Sujanagar around noon.

Miah Nuruddin Apu, BNP contender for Shariatpur-3, injured in an attack by alleged ruling party men, receives treatment at a local hospital. Photo: Collected/Star

In Chandpur, another 10 were injured in a clash between supporters of he AL and the BNP in Haimchar upazila.

In Barishal, 10 AL men were injured in an attack allegedly carried out by BNP men in Pouroshavar More area in Banaripara upazila.

So far, motorcades and campaigns of at least 45 candidates of Jatiya Oikyafront and 20-party alliance have been attacked allegedly by AL men, according to media reports. Over 1,050 people, mostly BNP men, have been injured in the electoral violence since campaigning began on December 10.   

The army was deployed across the country yesterday to help ensure a peaceful atmosphere and maintain law and order for the December 30 polls.

Our correspondents in Chattogram, Mymensingh, and Jhenidah reported that Jatiya Oikyafront candidates and their supporters were gearing up their campaign activities after the army was deployed.

KHAGRACHHARI

Minutes after the election camp of Nutan Kumar Chakma, an independent candidate backed by United People's Democratic Front (UPDF), was vandalised and torched, gunmen opened fire at Pujgang Mukh Bazaar just a kilometre away.

Chikko Chakma, 24, a tea-stall owner from Lendia para, and Sohel Rana, 35, a road construction worker of Dohazari in Chattagram, were killed.

The UPDF claimed that Chikko was its supporter and in a statement to the press alleged that the attacks were carried out to “unleash a reign of terror in the hills and influence the polls by panicking people”.

The UPDF blamed Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samity (reformist) for the killings and the attack on the election camp.

Tawhidul Islam, assistant returning officer and the UNO of Panchhari upazila, said regional groups trying to establish supremacy was the reason for the gun attack.

He told The Daily Star that the incident was not related to the upcoming polls. “I am not aware of any vandalism or torching of any camp in another area since I only visited the place of the gun attack.”

Locals said seven to eight armed men went to market around noon and shot Chikko from close range killing him on the spot. Sohel, who was working on the road nearby, was shot during that time and he died of his injuries later.

Minutes before the shooting, another group of 10 to 15 men, some carrying firearms, attacked the election camp and torched it. They fired several shots during the incident, said a local wishing anonymity.

Nurul Alam, officer-in-charge of Panchhari Police Station, claimed that the killings were not related to the election. He said it was due to conflict between groups.

The OC said police reaching the spot found nobody there. They recovered the bodies from the scene.

Conflicts of regional political parties led to 43 people being killed in Khagrachhari and Rangamati in one year.

JOURNOS ATTACKED

About 12 journalists covering the election and campaigns were injured and 16 vehicles they were using were vandalised in Nawabganj when unidentified criminals attacked them at a guest house close to the Nawabganj Police Station.

At least 40 journalists and support staffers of Jamuna TV and Bangla daily Jugantor were staying at Shamim Guest House in Kolakopa Bandura area, said Jugantor's Senior Reporter Sirajul Islam.

He said around 10:30pm, 30 to 35 people covering their faces with scarfs stormed the guest house and attacked the journalists and staffers of Jamuna TV and its sister concern Jugantor.

In the 20-minute attack, they ransacked several rooms on the third floor and later vandalised about 16 parked vehicles, he said.

He claimed that the journalists were confined to the guest house and that Shamim Khan, Dhamrai correspondent of Jugantor, was missing since the incident.

Sushant Sinha, special correspondent of Jamuna TV, echoed Sirajul. Sinha, who was at the guest house, said they called the local UNO and the OC for help which did not arrive.

Jugantor staff reporter Yasin said the attackers were armed with iron rods, hockey sticks, and sharp weapons.

The Daily Star called the superintendent of police of Dhaka and the OC of Nawabganj Police Station for comments but they did not pick up their phones.

Quamrul Hasan, sub-inspector of Nawabganj Police Station, was seen on Jamuna TV to have arrived at the scene later to collect evidence and was heard saying that they would look into the matter.

BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia yesterday categorically said her party would contest the national elections, but the polls must be held under an interim non-partisan administration.

“BNP is a pro-election political party. We will contest the election even if you [government] want to keep us out of it. We will contest the polls and you must make arrangements to that end,” Khaleda told a programme at the Institution of Engineers, Bangladesh (IEB).

There has been uncertainty in and outside the party as BNP boycotted the last parliamentary polls demanding election under a non-partisan caretaker administration.

However, the government is yet to meet the demand. In addition, Khaleda has been facing corruption charges and the trial is at the final stage.

BNP leaders repeatedly alleged that “false, fabricated and politically motivated” cases were filed against her to keep her away from the next national polls.

The programme at IEB did not begin well for the former premier after she was forced to stay in front of the institute for nearly one hour.

Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), a pro-BNP student body, was scheduled to hold a programme there at 2:00pm to mark its 39th founding anniversary. Khaleda, a former prime minister, was supposed to join the programme as the chief guest.

But, JCD activists found the gate of the institution locked at 10:00am with police on guard.

As they tried to approach the institute authorities to know the reason, law enforcers said the authorities had taken the steps “for the safety and security of the president”.

President Md Abdul Hamid had joined a programme in the Supreme Court located next to the institution.

Later in the afternoon, several hundred activists of JCD took position in front of the main entrance of IEB and staged demonstrations to press home their demand for opening the gate.

Khaleda joined the agitating JCD men at 4:25pm and stayed there sitting in her car until 5:20pm when the authorities opened the gate.

Addressing the programme, the former premier alleged that the Sheikh Hasina-led government did not come to power with people's mandate and said her party would not join the elections if it is held under the AL government.

“As the government is not elected through peoples' vote, election would not be held under them. Parliament should be dissolved,” she said.

Referring to wholesale arrest of BNP leaders and activists, the former premier said, “By repressing our leaders and activists, holding of another farcical election like January 5 would not be allowed in the country anymore. This time the election will be an inclusive one.”

Saying that people want a change, Khaleda added that the election should be held under a non-partisan neutral administration to bring that change.

“Why it is required? It is because fair election was never held under Hasina and will never be held in future,” she added.

Regarding the Padma Bridge, Khaleda said it will not be completed during the tenure of the Awami League government. “The bridge will be risky one,” she said, urging people not to use it.

Alleging that the Awami League is a more repressive state than than the Pakistani, Khaleda said, “The government has turned Bangladesh into a prison. Here, only Sheikh Hasina and Awami League are free.”

The former premier alleged that there is no democracy in the country as it is being governed by the will of one person.

“We want to say, the country cannot be run on the will of one person. People of the country did not fight the liberation war for that.”

Khaleda alleged that former chief justice Sk Sinha was forced to resign from the office. “But till now, [no new] chief justice was not appointed.  Their (government) intention does not seem good. Mr Moudud said that post cannot be kept vacant for a single day.” 

It is quite encouraging to hear Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina tell British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly that the Awami League government wants the national polls in Bangladesh to be free and fair like they are in the United Kingdom. It is probably the most specific statement to persuade the international community that there won't be any repetition of the previous two parliamentary elections widely seen as neither free nor fair. Her party won the January 2014 election well before a single vote was cast, as it was boycotted by others following the unilateral abolition of the constitutional provision for election-time non-partisan caretaker government. Though the next election held in December 2018 was a participatory one, it was, again, marred with controversies, including ballot stuffing on the night before, reportedly aided by government officials and members of the law enforcement agencies.

Besides those two parliamentary elections, a few other elections held over the last 10 years, with a handful exceptions, were marred with similar controversies, largely due to the ruling party's "winner takes all" narrow mindset, and not conceding an inch to the opposition parties. In the process of keeping a tighter grip on power at every level of the state, it has been alleged that the system has been rigged in such a way that no institution can function independently anymore. Therefore, it's quite reasonable to ask: how can our election be something similar to those in the UK?

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What will it take for our next election to be credible and acceptable to all?

The UK model, understandably, is quite useful for the ruling Awami League as it nullifies, at least superficially, the opposition demand for the restoration of a caretaker government system. In the UK, the party in power remains in office during elections, though in a caretaker capacity, with limited functions of essential routine affairs of the government. Citing this British model, the Awami League argues that the Election Commission will have full authority on election-related affairs and the government will refrain from anything else other than supporting the Election Commission and running the routine work.

The ruling party's core argument in abolishing the caretaker government system was that even routine functions should not be left with any unelected authority, and for that reason, in the 15th Amendment of the constitution, parliament was kept alive until its successor was elected. This provision alone is quite contrary to the Westminster model, where parliament gets dissolved as soon as an election is called, which means the incumbent prime minister and ministers cease to be elected representatives when they act as a caretaker government.

The most crucial part of the UK model of election is the role of the civil service, which in the current scenario is almost impossible in Bangladesh. As soon as a general election is called in the UK, a "purdah" kicks and all civil service members are reminded of the guideline to abide by. Though the government retains the responsibility to govern, and ministers remain in charge of their departments, civil servants are required to follow some key principles, including 1) avoid any activity that could call their political impartiality into question; and 2) ensure that public resources are not used for party-political purposes. These principles are not only applicable to government departments, but all other non-departmental public bodies that receive any amount of public funding. Bangladesh's abolished caretaker system had, to some extent, tried to emulate such principles, but now it's been abandoned and replaced with civil servants' unconditional allegiance to the ruling party.

By keeping parliament in place under the 15th Amendment, distrust among the contending parties have grown as it can – at least theoretically – annul the election by inventing frivolous allegations of fraud or irregularities if the result means dislodgement from power, creating serious political chaos and upheaval. Former US President Donald Trump's attempt of undoing the election results shows it can happen in any country.

The most crucial part of the UK model of election is the role of the civil service, which in the current scenario is almost impossible in Bangladesh. As soon as a general election is called in the UK, a "purdah" kicks and all civil service members are reminded of the guideline to abide by. Though the government retains the responsibility to govern, and ministers remain in charge of their departments, civil servants are required to follow some key principles, including 1) avoid any activity that could call their political impartiality into question; and 2) ensure that public resources are not used for party-political purposes. These principles are not only applicable to government departments, but all other non-departmental public bodies that receive any amount of public funding. Bangladesh's abolished caretaker system had, to some extent, tried to emulate such principles, but now it's been abandoned and replaced with civil servants' unconditional allegiance to the ruling party.

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Is the US really happy with our election plan?

The UK prime minister, prior to calling a general election, authorises permanent secretaries (equivalent to secretaries in Bangladesh Civil Service) for pre-election contact with the main opposition parties to allow them to be informed about key departmental facts and let them apprise the civil servants of any policy changes likely in the event of a change of government. One may wonder whether that would ever be possible in Bangladesh.

As the government of the day is expected to defend its policies to the electorate, the governing party is entitled to check with the departments that statements made on its behalf are factually correct and consistent with government policy. But at the same time, civil servants are also required to provide consistent factual information on request to candidates of all parties, as well as to organisations and members of the public, if possible, within 24 hours. It helps informed debates on policies, instead of mudslinging and promoting personality cults.

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Genuine elections vs participatory sham

The UK election-time guideline for civil servants, updated in 2019, says all appointments requiring approval by the prime minister, and other civil service and public appointments likely to prove sensitive should be frozen until after the election. It restricts official exhibitions on a contentious policy or proposal during the election period. Films, video, and photographs from departmental libraries or sources are not allowed to be used by any political party. New government advertising campaigns in general remain postponed and running campaigns closed. In Bangladesh, the recent example of the Election Commission's inability to discipline election officials of Gaibandha by-poll shows that even if they want to enforce any such guideline in the country, it is bound to fail due to the excessive politicisation of our civil service. And it's not only our civil service – all such institutions, including the police and judiciary, have been hopelessly politicised.

Promising elections similar to the UK is hardly enough to allay the international community's concerns about the future of our democracy, unless a national consensus on conducting it is reached soon, for which we need an honest dialogue.

Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His Twitter handle is @ahmedka1

The next parliamentary election will be held in time in a festive atmosphere, Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader said yesterday.

Those who failed to depoliticise the country during 1/11 are the ones who are saying that elections would not be held, the minister added.

Quader, also the general secretary of ruling Awami League, said this in response to a query by journalists while he was speaking at the inaugural programme of Janmashtami procession in Dhaka's Palashi area.

“The next parliamentary session will be the last and after this no parliament member will have any official power. There is no question regarding this,” said Quader, who was the chief guest at the rally.

Quader also warned the Hindu community not to get trapped in the attempt to create communal polarisation in the name of national unity.

He further reminded the Hindu community of the 2001 period when “BNP-led communal forces came into power” and said the situation will be worse if they come back to power.

Dhaka South City Corporation Mayor Sayeed Khokon inaugurated the Janmasthami procession. Among others, Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia, Bangladesh Puja Udjapan Parishad President Milon Kanti Datta, and its General Secretary Nirmal Kumar Chatterjee also spoke at the programme.

We may all breathe a sigh of relief that the brouhaha over the EVMs is finally over, with the Election Commission deciding to forego the use of the electronic machines in the upcoming parliamentary election citing a lack of funds. Since it was first introduced in 2018, there have been widespread fear about its fool-proofness to electoral tampering; in particular, concerns were raised about the audit cards via which election results are collected, which are vulnerable to manipulation in the absence of a voter-verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT). Despite strong reservations from many political parties, including the BNP, and civil society actors, the EC, till now, seemed hell-bent on going ahead with its decision to use EVMs, finalising a massive Tk 8,711 crore project for EVM procurement and management last year.

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Why should we trust EVMs?

We are glad that the EC has finally seen reason, if only in consideration of the enormous expenses that the project would entail. Back when the proposal was first made, we had warned the EC against such an expensive undertaking in the midst of the worst economic and cost-of-living crisis in over a decade, particularly given that Bangladesh was buying the EVMs at inflated costs. Now that the EC has retracted its position, we wonder what will happen to the 150,000 EVMs already bought in phases since 2018, at 11 times the price of the machines in India. EVMs worth Tk 642 crore have already become unusable for a lack of proper storage facility and maintenance, according to EC documents. We urge the EC to make sure that our remaining stock – paid with taxpayers' money – are stored properly so that they may be used in the future, if and when it is decided, through political consensus, to switch to EVMs. 

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‘Decision to use EVMs defies all logic’

While the decision to scrap the EVMs is a step in the right direction, the EC must not lose sight of the fact that there are many other pressing issues that it must address before the public, and other political parties can be confident that the upcoming elections will be free, fair and participatory. Foremost among them is ensuring full independence of the EC, and guaranteeing the ever-illusive "level-playing field" for all political parties. Unfortunately, the performance of the EC in the by-elections, except for one notable exception, has not inspired confidence in its ability to rise above and rein in party politics. As it tries to engage with other political parties and to ensure them of its neutrality, the commission needs to remember that it is only through its commitment to the electoral process – rather than the party in power – that it can inspire faith about its ability to guide the nation to a democratic future. 

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EC in second year must do a better job

The EC must also prove its ability to ensure compliance of the administration and law enforcement in playing their part in defending the democratic process. It must not be seen as reflecting the increasingly intolerant stance of the government towards critics, human rights defenders and the media. 

The BNP, on its end, must forego its propensity to reject any and all proposal and initiatives of the EC, without due consideration or discussion. Such wholesale rejection will not produce constructive results, and risks jeopardising not just future prospects for the party, but the country at large.