It is disheartening that the police still remain in a state of disarray despite attempts in recent weeks to overhaul the force and imbue it with a new sense of direction. According to a report by this daily, the violent fallout of the regime change on August 5 continues to cast a shadow over the force even now, with logistical challenges as well as low morale due to the fear of withdrawal, transfer, forced retirement, lawsuits and/or arrest still stifling their capacity. This cannot be allowed to persist, as the role of the police is critical in maintaining law and order, ensuring public security, and preventing chaos.

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Can we rebuild the lost trust in law enforcement?

Presently, police services remain largely limited to registering complaints and cases. Despite all police stations resuming their operations several weeks ago, there has been little field presence of officers, especially after dark and without army escorts. Meanwhile, the national helpline 999 continues to struggle to provide services because of the lack of police personnel and logistical support. For a time, all the 999 calls asking for police help were referred to the armed forces. Even though the home adviser has urged the superintendents of police to work sincerely with the force and logistics they have in their respective districts, a number of issues have combined to make progress difficult.

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Stop police culture of implicating rivals

Key among them is the lack of morale. Reportedly, the fear of being sued or arrested or, worse, facing public wrath for police actions during the bloody mass uprising still haunts police members. To this day, over 700-800 officers remain absent without leave. Add to that the fear of being withdrawn or transferred, with major reshuffles being announced every now and then. There is no easy solution for this. It is natural for police, after having served as enforcers of an authoritarian regime for over a decade, to find themselves caught between the need to redeem their credibility and the lingering fear of consequences. Ensuring accountability and creating an enabling environment for police are both important. The authorities must find a way to achieve these objectives with tact, and with people's expectations in mind.

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The necessity for substantive police reform

The issue of diminished operational capability is another major barrier, one that should be handled with relative ease, however. Given the overarching need of public safety, the authorities must urgently expedite their efforts to reinforce and restructure the police force, make necessary resources available, and repair damaged infrastructure. Soon after the mass uprising, over 450 out of 664 police stations were attacked by mobs, with some set on fire. Around 300 vehicles were also destroyed. Large quantities of firearms and ammunition were looted as well, leaving a security concern for the future. Restoring full police capability means addressing all such logistical issues as well as staff shortages created afterwards, through new recruitments if necessary.

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The need for a clear charter for the intelligence agencies

We must say that we expect a better performance from the interim government in terms of fully operationalising the police force. Police must be able to secure the streets, protect citizens, and prevent crimes. The responsibility to ensure that they are able to do so lies on the government. Reforms cannot happen overnight, so striking a balance between reform and general functionality may be considered in the short term, keeping long-term reforms for the future.

The police reform of Bangladesh requires an in-depth examination of the police organisation, its mandate, its functional dynamics. It also highlights the need to establish effective structures to oversee police performance and ensure the realisation of the organisational mission. The reform process has to touch all ranks and be all inclusive, calling for a commitment and sense of purpose from the political executive since what is involved is basically a redetermination of the whole governance paradigm.

Every organisation, whether public or private, can perform well only if it is founded on valid organisational principles. In the case of Bangladesh police, these principles were not followed over the years, resulting in a corrupt, inefficient, and highly politicised force. Increasingly, the police were rendered agents of the political executive rather than instruments of a democratic state. The selective application of law against opponents, whether political or personal, at the behest of influential individuals, became the norm rather than the exception. People perceived the police as agents of the party in power, not as members of an organisation publicly maintained to enforce the rule of law.

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Time for many to apologise

The key question relevant to the reform is: what kind of organisation will the police of Bangladesh need to meet the law-and-order challenges of the 21st century? As a first step, the responsibility of maintenance of law and order will need to rest unambiguously with the police. The police hierarchy must be made responsible not only for the organisation and the internal administration of the force but also exclusively for all matters connected with maintaining law and order. In short, policing operations should no longer be subjected to general control and direction from outside the police department.

Steps will be required for rendering the police professionally competent, operationally neutral, functionally cohesive, and organisationally responsible for all its actions. This, in turn, will lead to efficient police operations, better decision-making, improved discipline within the force, and revamped accountability mechanisms. The role, duties, and responsibilities of the police must be orientated to prioritise service function, ensuring that the prevention and detection of crime serve a social purpose. The reform strategy should seek to solicit voluntary support and cooperation of the people.

The sole purpose of the police is to enforce the laws of the land without fear or favour towards anyone. Therefore, it is crucial to render the police politically neutral. Such neutrality has been achieved in other countries by placing the police under apolitical control, thereby creating a buffer between political expediency and law enforcement. Without such a buffer, influential individuals will never allow the police to perform their mandated duties.

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Why we need democratic policing

Police accountability is a subject of great contemporary significance. The increasingly sophisticated range of coercive, scientific, and technical apparatus at the command of police requires stricter accountability controls. Bangladesh urgently needs statutory commission institutions like the Independent Police Complaints Authority in Britain or the Public Safety Commission system in Japan. The Independent Police Complaint authority in Britain consists of members of civil society and is mandated to inquire into serious complaints against police. One of the most important functions of Japan's Public Safety Commission System is to ensure that police operations remain uninfluenced by the party in power. The apolitical public safety commissions at national and regional levels are designed to insulate the police from the debilitating effects of political control.

Historically, policing in Bangladesh has largely been a one-sided affair, with communities having little to no say in local policing plans and strategies that affect them most. The idea that "police are the people, and people are the police" has not taken root in the region. Unfortunately, the Police Act of 1861 was silent on the issue of community consultation. Instead, it focused on the responsibility of communities to ensure order, with the entire community facing collective punishment if any member stepped out of line.

For quite some time, there has been reluctance among senior police officials to recognise the necessity of viewing police forces as organisations fundamentally similar to any other enterprise or business. The police organisation must, therefore, evolve a shared vision and understanding of a common mission increasingly focused on meeting community expectations.

The first order of business is to enact a new police act to replace the present archaic legislation enacted in 1861. This act is weak across almost all parameters that govern democratic police legislation. It has made it easier for others to abuse and misuse the police organisation. People in positions of power have been able to do so because the act grants the government authority to exercise superintendence over the police without defining the term "superintendence" or prescribing guidelines to ensure legitimate use of power. The act does not establish institutional arrangements to insulate the police from undesirable external control, pressures, and influences. It also fails to recognise the government's responsibility to establish an efficient and effective police force. Furthermore, it does not require the setting of objectives or performance standards, nor does it establish independent mechanisms to monitor and inspect police performance.

The goal should be to establish a police force subject to the rule of law rather than the whims of the party in power. The police should intervene in the lives of citizens only under limited and controlled circumstances and must be held publicly accountable.

Historically, policing in Bangladesh has largely been a one-sided affair, with communities having little to no say in local policing plans and strategies that affect them most. The idea that "police are the people, and people are the police" has not taken root in the region. Unfortunately, the Police Act of 1861 was silent on the issue of community consultation. Instead, it focused on the responsibility of communities to ensure order, with the entire community facing collective punishment if any member stepped out of line.

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The morale issues of Bangladesh Police

An inefficient and outdated administrative legacy is undermining reforms supported by numerous national and international expert missions. For too long, the basic functioning of the police has remained unchanged. What is needed is to make improving the quality of law enforcement a permanent and integral part of the national agenda.

An enlightened and determined political leadership, high levels of public support, and a motivated and well-led public sector are critical for change. Equally, if not more importantly, a civil society that demands and supports higher standards of police performance is essential for reform.

The core issue today is not what the police does, but why it does what it does. It is time to make the police work for the people.

Over the last few decades, public opinion leaders have responded to the growing policing crisis with traditional approaches. They have blamed the police officers, protested against abuses of authority and corruption, and levelled criticism at the police without showing the necessary will or support to change its design.

The police reform debate seems to be attracting a wider and more serious audience. These issues are receiving focused and sustained attention in the media. If the goal is to make quality policing a way of life, then we need to begin by restructuring the existing police framework. The police constable must be transformed into a responsible official providing essential services to the community. The existing police setup must be replaced with a system that strives to be customer-friendly. There must be a shared sense of mission and clearly understood organisational goals, as well as citizens' inclusion in police decision-making processes.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is former IGP of Bangladesh Police.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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It is encouraging to learn that the police may cease using lethal weapons and lead pellets for crowd control. We fully support this drive as there is no justification for the police to use lethal force against ordinary citizens. Such actions, however, were rampant during the tenure of the ousted Awami League regime. During the July uprising, excessive use of lethal weapons by police and other security agencies resulted in approximately 1,500 deaths while leaving nearly 20,000 injured. It is incomprehensible that those entrusted with the duty to protect the public could commit such violence against them.

In light of these events, it is imperative that our security agencies, including police, undergo reforms to prevent such atrocities from ever occurring again. Reportedly, the Police Headquarters has already formed a committee to recommend non-lethal methods for controlling crowds and unlawful assemblies. Discussions are also underway about banning the use of long-barrel firearms. In extreme cases of necessity, it is expected that police will rely on small arms, in accordance with practices in developed countries and aligned with UN guidelines, to which Bangladesh is a signatory.

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Can police investigate police crimes with impartiality?

Following the successful July uprising, The Daily Star analysed the injury patterns of 204 individuals who had died as of August 1. Nearly 95 percent of these victims were killed by bullets, including live rounds and shotgun pellets. Of these, 113 were shot in the head, chest, stomach, or abdomen—clearly indicating an intent to kill. Additionally, an analysis by the Lawyers for Energy, Environment and Development (LEED) revealed that lethal weapons such as 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles, submachine guns, BD08 assault rifles, Taurus 9mm revolvers, and Type 54 pistols were used during attacks on protesters.

As highlighted in a report by this daily, the militarisation of the police under the previous regime began in 2012-2013. In an October 2014 meeting, a decision was made to procure lethal firearms, including 7.62mm rifles. From that point onward, the regime increasingly pressured the police to use such deadly weapons to suppress dissent. Procurement records available on the Bangladesh Police website show that 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets have been in use for years, with their acquisition often coinciding with the farcical elections held under the regime, the latest being the January 2024 general elections.

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Police must come out of their cocoon

Former Home Affairs Adviser M Sakhawat Hossain has rightly questioned the rationale for giving such "military-grade" weapons to the police. The answer is clear—they were introduced to enable the fascist regime to maintain power by silencing dissent and oppressing citizens. Therefore, comprehensive reforms in our security agencies, particularly the police, are critical. These reforms must also include establishing thorough, independent mechanisms to investigate errant police officers and hold them accountable.

On June 27, 2024, a discussion titled "Towards Gender Equality: Gender-Responsive Community Policing in Bangladesh" was organised jointly by UN Women and The Daily Star at The Daily Star Centre. Academicians, top female police officers, legal specialists, and gender activists participated in the event. Below is a summary of the key points from the discussion.

Policing is crucial for maintaining peace, stability, and security in a society. However, with the ever-changing security challenges of this century, it is essential to ensure a community approach to policing, with a focus on inclusivity and gender sensitivity. This calls for more female representation in law enforcement.

One of the key benefits of having more female law enforcement officers is the building of trust and institutional credibility among community members, especially women and girls. According to a 2020 study carried out by UN Women, only 10 percent of the police forces in the Asia Pacific region are women. Within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), women's representation in the police ranges from around 6 to 20 percent. The limited numbers of women's representation in the police can be attributed to certain perceptions of policing being a masculine job that demands physical strength, and gender norms and stereotypes regarding women's role in society and the definition of good law enforcement leadership.

To explore these challenges, UN Women Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific conducted a comprehensive assessment of the implementation of gender-responsive community-oriented policing (COP) in four countries—Bangladesh, Pakistan, Philippines, and Thailand—from September to December in 2023, in collaboration with the UN Standing Police Capacity (SPC).

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Police must come out of their cocoon

On June 27, 2024, UN Women and The Daily Star organised a roundtable discussion, titled "Advancing Gender-Responsive Community-Oriented Policing in Bangladesh" to share the key findings of the study in Bangladesh. The discussion was held at The Daily Star Centre in Dhaka with a wide array of representation from the government, Bangladesh Police, UN agencies and other development organisations, academicians, and legal practitioners.

The study recognised the key elements in COP from a gender lens, namely community consultation with women, responding to the needs of women and other marginalised groups, women's participation for crime prevention and problem-solving, ensuring female leadership in both policy making and training for police, gender responsive action and accountability towards community. The study findings acknowledge the importance of legal and policy frameworks for COP to address diverse needs. Two national-level strategies are in the process of being finalised. However, given that The Police Act, 1861 is not updated according to modern policing standards, the aforementioned plans cannot be implemented properly, making it harder to institutionalise COP and women's participation in it.

Then comes the issue of representation. Women are underrepresented in law enforcement. As of April 2024, female police personnel constitute only 8.63 percent of the total police in Bangladesh, according to the Bangladesh Police Women Network (BPWN) website. Speakers at the roundtable highlighted the different needs of women—like maternity leave, availability of toilets for female police staff—in the remote posting areas, which require investments. While they are expected to excel in their jobs, their reproductive and caregiving responsibilities are not considered. Deploying female officers in remote areas has become a challenge due to mobility and security concerns that also hinder them from taking challenging assignments despite their willingness.

To combat these challenges, speakers recommended incorporating a gender lens to analyse requirements that are needed to recruit women in the police force and an intersectional approach to consider multiple other sets of challenges arising from age, class, ethnicity, and geographic locations. There should be impact analyses of relevant policy frameworks after implementation.

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The morale issues of Bangladesh Police

While discussing the current challenges in the COP, speakers also pointed out that in urban areas, COP committees see an underrepresentation of marginal women. However, data from the police personnel present at the roundtable shows that there are over 49,000 Community Policing Forums (CPFs) in the country and female participation is significantly higher at the district level compared to Dhaka. Police organise four open houses every year with these committees, where female participation has increased from 26 percent in 2022 to 33 percent in 2024 so far.

Meanwhile, the police department remains severely understaffed, which makes it even harder for the existing workforce to deal with cases with gender sensitivity. 38.83 percent of the online survey participants in the UN Women's 2023 study thought gender sensitivity in daily work is important to a great extent and 25 percent thought it to be important to a limited extent. What's alarming is that 17.48 percent perceived this concept to be entirely irrelevant to their policing work.

Survey results also reveal that 84 percent of the participants believe that Bangladesh Police has taken adequate measures to ensure gender sensitisation among police personnel, while 65 per cent mentioned receiving introductory training on COP. However, 70 percent of those who received training did not participate in COP activities in last two years. Those involved in community awareness-raising activities on gender-based violence, cybercrime, crime prevention etc account for 66.67 percent of the respondents, and 28 percent remain inactive on this front. Meanwhile, 13 percent of respondents are unaware of such activities.

Currently, the existing gender-responsive mechanisms include help desks for women, children, the elderly and persons with disabilities, and victim support centres. Speakers also highlighted non-functionality of these help desks in many areas and emphasised reviving the existing mechanisms of COP. Simultaneously, they have asked for more resources, capacity enhancement of community and beat police, and a close evaluation of gender-sensitive budgeting and its proper utilisation.

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The necessity for substantive police reform

The study also identified some good practices in implementing gender-responsive COP in Bangladesh. For example, Bangladesh Police Women Network (BWPN) has launched an online gender-responsive training module, where field officers of different ranks can learn about gender-responsive policing and implement the learnings in their work. This initiative also made its place in the regional list of promising practices in the UN Women's study.

Speakers at the roundtable emphasised the importance of partnership among the police, NGOs, civil society and the general people to strengthen and institutionalise COP. They have also recommended introducing more inclusive practices in police training for inclusive service delivery, such as using sign language to help it become more accessible. There is an urgent need for political will to make policing more inclusive rather than an opportunity to abuse power. Police need to be more connected to women from the grassroots level, while BWPN needs to align itself with civil society and women's movements to achieve the goals of gender-responsive policing, according to the speakers at the roundtable.

Recommendations

● A comprehensive national-level COP strategy should be implemented

● Existing COP mechanisms need to be strengthened

● Women and other marginalised communities need to be given access to COP activities and related information

● The safety of female police officers in remote and crisis-prone areas should be ensured to increase meaningful participation

● More capacity enhancement training for police should be facilitated, including a focus on gender-sensitive attitude and behaviour

● There should be a close evaluation of gender-responsive budgeting and its proper utilisation

● Impact analyses of policies need to be ensured

● It is critical to continue with the advocacy on redistributing household duties and caregiving work.

● Inclusive practices like using sign language in COP training should be introduced There should be an intersectional approach to ensure the representation of all age groups, classes, and ethnicities

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Bangladesh Police Academy in Sardah, Rajshahi, yesterday discharged 58 more trainee sub-inspectors (SIs) from the 40th outside cadet batch on the grounds of "breaching discipline".

With them, 310 SIs, out of 804 who started the one-year basic training on November 5 last year, have been dismissed on charges of breaching discipline just before getting into the police service.

Earlier, 252 trainee SIs of the same batch were dismissed.

A senior official of the academy yesterday confirmed that the discharge letters were sent to the home addresses of the 58 trainees.

The police academy issued show cause notices to 49 cadets on October 24 while 10 others were notified on October 21 over creating chaos by sitting randomly in training classes.

They were asked to respond within three days of receiving the show-cause notices.

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‘Breach of discipline’: 252 trainee SIs dismissed month before graduation

The notices said on October 21 evening there was a class for trainee cadet SIs on "Various Sections of Law" at the Chamney Memorial Hall.

But the instructors found the cadets yelling and sitting haphazardly. When the instructors asked the cadets to maintain discipline, they disobeyed and continued shouting.

The notices issued to the 10 others said they did not maintain discipline on October 10 evening. They allegedly shouted and did not pay attention to a class at the gymnasium.

The notices said such "undisciplined behaviour" in a class is against the rules and regulations of the academy.

Sources said the PHQ, in consultation with the home ministry, conducted a background check on the political affiliations of 801 trainees in the batch. This check, undertaken by an intelligence agency, was conducted after the fall of the Awami League government on August 5.

Claiming themselves to be innocent, several dismissed trainee SIs earlier said they did not breach discipline.

"I was not involved in politics, nor did I get the job through anyone's recommendation. I was supposed to take part in the passing-out ceremony within a few days, but I have been dismissed based on charges that I'm unaware of," one of them told this correspondent earlier.