Be it the desolation in Tahrir Square or the barbarity of Islamist jihadis in Syria, what is the one thing common to each of these instances of violence and fury? Francis Fukuyama, in his book, Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2018), claims that the need for identity and the expression of resentment over this identity being suppressed and disdained, are the central guiding forces behind each of these contemporary social and political ailments. Fukuyama claims that both these political movements are merely opposite sides of the same coin, where aggrieved groups are battling for recognition for their group identity. This need for recognition is universal and deeply rooted in all humans in the "third part" of their soul, labelled "thymos". Thymos is the seat of judgment of one's worth of inner self; it is here that the inner self is perceived and valued by the outer world.

Fukuyama argues that contemporary issues of identity politics become pervasive in these realms of recognition. In earlier traditional or closed societies with fixed roles, norms, and values—and hence, clear distinction of one's inner and outer self—people did not need to explore their identities. No one asked questions about another's being or purpose, because they had already been determined. However, the onset of modernisation offered humans a myriad of choices and opportunities; and as these diverse social choices dislocated individuals' inner and outer selves, people increasingly began asking the questions, "Who am I?", "What is my purpose in this world?". Here, Fukuyama refers to sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies' notion of the shift from Gemeinschaft (community) to Gesellschaft (society) that is said to have disintegrated shared values and norms against the context of a disoriented inner self that continues to seek its due recognition from this outer world.

These issues of identity took the face of identity politics particularly during the 1960s, which was marked with prominent social movements such as the civil rights, gay rights, and feminist movements. Marginalised groups who had been invisible to this outer world for too long were suddenly not just seeking recognition, but also demanding their rightful dignity of being treated as equals as driven by their "isothymia"—the powerful human drive of being seen as "just as good" as everyone else.

In this pursuit of equal recognition, these marginalised groups had the choice of perceiving themselves in either broader or narrower identity terms, i.e. being treated just like the dominant social groups or being treated completely differently. For instance, during the civil rights movements, Martin Luther King dreamt that one day American society would treat Blacks the same way as the whites. But towards the end of the 1960s, groups like Black Panthers and the Nation of Islam argued for their own traditions and consciousness, as defined by experiences of violence, racism, and denigration that could not be understood by other groups.

Simone de Beauvoir, in her book The Second Sex (1949), similarly declared that women's experiences and victimisation can never be perceived by men; she made this claim on the basis of distinctions between Erfahrung (plain experiences) and Erlebnis (lived experiences), whereby the latter was a subjective perception of experiences that could not be shared by outside groups. This subjectivity eventually gave in to the proliferation of narrower identity groups and newer recognition struggles within the society undermining effective communication and collective action.

The rise of populist nationalism or Islamist extremism can largely be owed to these struggles of recognition and dignity in today's increasingly diverse society. Against the growing pluralistic society and disintegrating shared and collective values, both the right and left have embraced identity politics and multiculturalism as remedy for these invisible and suppressed identity groups. But as identity continues to be interpreted in narrower specificities, this prevents the generalisation of a common broad identity and sense of belongingness within the community.

This vacuum is exploited by nationalist and Islamist political movements to bestow people their lost sense of dignity and recognition. For instance, against the context of growing surges of immigration, natives start to feel they are not just losing more shares of the pie, but that their country is also being infiltrated by incoming immigrants and refugees. On the other hand, young, second generation Muslim immigrants strive to embrace the western ways of life; but they are held back by their root religious values and practices which are not duly recognised by the host community, thus preventing effective assimilation within the host community. Both the populist nationalist and Jihadist leaders appeal to this lost sense of recognition of inner self against the dislocated outer self to grant them dignity, sense of belongingness and, essentially, an identity. In this course, what started off as a pursuit of seeking isothymia translates into the quest for "megalothymia", where the desire for equal recognition slides over into the demand for recognition of the group's superiority. This is when violent extremism or nationalist supremacy emerges.

Against the growing threats posed by contemporary identity politics, most notable of it being issues of Islamist terrorism and populist nationalism, Fukuyama prescribes the need for developing broader creedal identities based on universal values, like constitutionalism or rule of law, instead of narrowed perception of identity rooted in religion or ethnicity. In order to develop that kind of broad national identity, he suggests that societies focus on the positive virtues to shape the national identity that is compatible with the existing characteristics of the society. This can be done, he recommends, through the establishment of public policies like standardised educational curricula or promoting mandatory national services. 

Fukuyama's insight on the contemporary problems through the lens of identity politics have often been acclaimed as the One Great Idea, and rightfully so; the universality of a need for dignity and recognition legitimately justifies the ubiquity of modern political ailments like violence or extremism. However, for a problem of such magnitude and ubiquity, Fukuyama's solution of a creedal identity seems way too reductionist. For a complex phenomenon like terrorism, which he himself claims to be rooted in individual stories of indignation and resentment, assimilation seems like a superficial and forceful remedy. The need for developing a broader sense of identity and shared values is a need of the hour for sure, but unless the underlying and engendering grievances are addressed, can assimilation or creedal identity be the answer to this growing menace of the politics of identity and resentment? Francis Fukuyama has yet to answer that.

Nousheen Sharmila Ritu is an aspiring researcher and a postgraduate student at Department of Criminology, University of Dhaka. She can be reached at tazree96@gmail.com.