Politics

Mirza Fakhrul's unabridged interview

As the interim government completed its 100 days in office after the ouster of the Awami League-led government through a mass uprising, the demand to hold a free and fair election to hand over power to an elected government is getting louder, especially from BNP, one of the largest political parties in Bangladesh. Meanwhile, the interim government says it is carrying out reforms in key sectors including the election commission to hand over power to an elected government.

The Daily Star's Golam Mortoza caught up with BNP's Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir to talk about a host of issues ranging from elections to constitution reform. Here is the full interview:

The Daily Star: As the secretary general of one of Bangladesh's largest political parties, we would like to hear your thoughts on the current political situation. A successful mass uprising has taken place, and an interim government has been formed as a result. Your party has been calling for elections within a timeframe that is both "quick" and "logical." Could you clarify what you mean by "quick" and "reasonable"?

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir: Over 15 years of authoritarian rule have destroyed the bureaucratic and political structures of Bangladesh. The institutions essential for running a democratic state have been systematically dismantled. As a result, following the student-led mass uprising, public expectations have skyrocketed. The primary expectation now is that this government will conduct a fair and credible election, enabling the people to form a parliament and government of their choice.

There is also another expectation—to address and remove all the debris that has been collected due to this long bout of misrule.

The Daily Star: By debris, you mean reforms?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, reforms are necessary to clear this debris. We felt about this long ago. As a party, we presented a 31-point agenda two years ago, outlining specific reforms in every critical area, including structural repairs to the state apparatus.

Therefore, when this government brought up reforms, we raised no objections. However, we emphasised that these reforms must be completed within a "reasonable" timeframe.

The Daily Star: How would you define a reasonable timeframe?

Mirza Fakhrul: The question is: what constitutes a reasonable timeframe? There are a few minimum requirements. For instance, the electoral system needs to be reformed to enable free and fair elections. The heavily politicised bureaucracy must be overhauled to make it neutral and capable of facilitating a credible election. Similarly, the judiciary, which has been politicised, needs to be reformed to the extent possible. Complete reform might not be achievable immediately, especially at the grassroots level, but these steps are critical.

The Daily Star: Your acting chairperson, Tarique Rahman, has also spoken about this logical timeframe, making it clear there's no rush. However, some of your party leaders have mentioned that elections should be held by March or April, leading to some confusion. What is BNP's official position on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: We do not want to specify exact dates or deadlines because, as a party, we are being pragmatic. There may be some flexibility with the timeline, but elections must be held as quickly as possible for the good of the country and its people.

Having been in government ourselves, we understand that reforms require some time. However, we insist on timely elections because only an elected government can ensure legitimacy. The mandate of an elected government is entirely different from that of an interim administration. When we interact with foreign stakeholders, investors, and industrialists, they often express concerns about investing during the tenure of a temporary government. Timely elections will resolve many of these issues.

The Daily Star: You spoke of elected governments and public mandates. If we look back at the elected governments from 1991 to 2009, can we identify significant reforms during their tenure?

Mirza Fakhrul: There were positive developments, undoubtedly. For instance, we transitioned from a one-party system to a multi-party democracy, and parliamentary governance was established. However, these practices were not sustained because the previous government suppressed democratic practices. The abolition of the caretaker government system was a grave mistake, and it is the root of today's political crisis.

I am fully aware that elections alone do not constitute democracy. However, elections are the primary gateway to democracy. Without a government mandated by the people, reforms will lack legitimacy. An elected government has the strength and courage to implement reforms, which an interim government can never possess.

The Daily Star: Regarding the interim government, particularly the current one—there is a suggestion that although it lacks electoral legitimacy, it came to power after a mass uprising involving students and the public, with active participation from all political parties, including the BNP. Doesn't that give this government a mandate derived from the uprising?

Mirza Fakhrul: The uprising undoubtedly aimed for reforms. But that does not mean this government can operate indefinitely, like what we saw during the 1/11 (indicating the government that took power on January 11, 2007) period or similar situations in the past. An unelected government must not exceed its logical timeframe. Prolonged tenure creates various complications, including difficulties with international relations.

Additionally, anti-democratic and fascist forces often take advantage of such transitions. During 1/11, the government's attempts at reforms ultimately failed, forcing them to hold elections and leave.

The Daily Star: Why does the spectre of 1/11 keep coming up in your discussions?

Mirza Fakhrul: Because 1/11 caused significant damage to us.

The Daily Star: But the formation process of the 1/11 government and this government are not the same.

Mirza Fakhrul: There are some similarities—they are both unelected governments without public representation. One must remember that true representation comes only through elections. Representation is not limited to BNP, a group of students, or those who led the movement. Representation lies with those chosen by the people through votes. This is not just rhetoric; it's a reality.

Countries where democracy thrives place the highest importance on elected representatives. We haven't been able to practice democracy here. Whenever unelected governments come to power, they develop ambitions to extend their tenure, which is why we keep bringing up 1/11.

The Daily Star: Another relevant question arises. Even before this movement, school students had launched a campaign for structural reforms, which you supported. Now, as part of this movement, the current government is pushing for constitutional reforms. However, your party seems to disagree with their approach. Why is that?

Mirza Fakhrul: We are not against reforms. What we said is that necessary changes must follow due process. The interim government took its oath under the current constitution and consulted the Appellate Division for guidance. This means the constitution is still in effect.

If the constitution is to be amended, the question arises: who is qualified to do so? In a democracy, it is the people who hold sovereignty. Governments are to be formed through elections, and the parliament is the ultimate decision-making body in a parliamentary system. This is the standard practice in all democratic nations.

Unfortunately, our legacy of undermining democracy began during Pakistan's rule and continued in Bangladesh. Even Sheikh Mujib dismantled democracy by establishing the one-party system, BKSAL.

The Daily Star: You mentioned democratic culture. As someone who has spent your life in politics, would you say that the BNP, as a major political party, practices democracy internally?

Mirza Fakhrul: I won't claim we do it perfectly well, but we are practicing democracy. Our council meetings are held, and our standing committee meets four times a month. Decisions are made collectively. While the current situation has prevented us from holding council meetings everywhere, we will address that as well.

Abolishing the caretaker government system was the greatest mistake. Elections under a caretaker government fostered democratic practices. In contrast, there has been no accountability in the last three elections. A country's democratic culture influences its political parties, and all of us must work together to strengthen it.

The Daily Star: The elections in 2014, 2018, and now in 2024 have been widely criticized. Let's discuss 1/11 again. Its emergence is often attributed to political failure. Would you agree?

Mirza Fakhrul: I won't deny our share of responsibility. However, we must consider the context. After 9/11, global politics shifted, particularly with the West's "war on terror." This indirectly became a war against democracy as well. Leading up to 1/11, Western diplomats were unusually active in Bangladesh, even forming their own club. Their influence played a significant role.

If they had worked to ensure free and fair elections instead of taking control, the outcome would have been different. Entrusting someone like Fakhruddin Ahmed, a bureaucrat with no political experience, to lead was a mistake. You can't expect democracy from those who lack political understanding.

The Daily Star: How do you view the current government?

Mirza Fakhrul: This government came to power through a mass uprising. We support them and are engaging in discussions with them. While they've made mistakes, they are trying to correct them and work on reforms. We are trying to adjust to this transitional phase.

The Daily Star: Student activists from the anti-discrimination movement have said they will reform first, then hold elections. However, they've also emphasized that reforms shouldn't mean staying in power for five or six years. Their timeline may not align with yours, but they also seek a timeframe.

Mirza Fakhrul: We haven't discussed the timeline in detail. During our three meetings with the chief advisor, we told him we are willing to give them sufficient time, but it must be reasonable.

The Daily Star: Are you concerned that the current government may delay elections or avoid them altogether?

Mirza Fakhrul: At this point, I don't see any indication of that. We've had both formal and informal discussions with the student leaders, and I haven't felt that they intend to delay or avoid elections.

The Daily Star: Though it may not seem overly important, I want to bring up some comments circulating on social media. Do you believe there's any attempt to sideline the BNP as well?

Mirza Fakhrul: There has been talk about this, and we've mentioned it once or twice. Where do these concerns come from? When we see a deviation from core issues, or where there are unfortunate errors of judgment, these fears naturally arise. For instance, before forming the reform commissions, it would have been better if they had consulted us. These incidents have created a bit of distance.

Secondly, we suggested suspending the current election laws and forming an election commission with individuals acceptable to all, through dialogue with political parties. Instead, they formed a search committee and sought names. Our experience with search committees hasn't been positive. While we did submit names, the selections mostly favoured government-aligned individuals.

The Daily Star: You still submitted names despite knowing that?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, we did. We've always extended cooperation to the government. At the same time, based on our past experiences, we continuously warn them to learn from the past and avoid similar problems. This is also what we expect from Dr. Yunus' government. He is a highly respected figure—not only in this country but globally. From the very beginning, we told him we had high expectations. If those expectations aren't met or results don't materialize, it would be an injustice to his own legacy.

The best approach would be to involve political parties in the process. If that doesn't happen, you'll inevitably face a barrage of criticism. A brief discussion doesn't cover everything, which is why we believe frequent meetings with political parties are necessary.

We've observed that Ali Riaz is sending letters to political parties. We haven't received one yet, but we expect to. They want us to formally communicate our expectations to them, which is good. We'll submit our views in writing. However, they must also actively engage in dialogue with political parties.

The Daily Star: You're saying you want to communicate and receive communication?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes. We'll submit our views in writing. But will the resulting changes be implemented without consulting us? If major issues arise, then what? This is a fundamental question.

Some people have asked, "What is the Constitution?" They say a popular uprising is the Constitution. But who will execute this? A mandate and authority are required to bring about constitutional change.

Let me ask you a question: Millions participated in the student-led mass uprising. From whom will you derive this mandate? Three student representatives have joined the government. Are they the only representatives? What about the others? We've observed that the coordinators are expressing diverse opinions, with some suggesting they want to form a political party. That's fine, but it needs to be clarified. The involvement of student coordinators in the government also remains unclear.

The Daily Star: When you've engaged in discussions, have you addressed this issue?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, we've brought it up.

The Daily Star: What was the government's response?

Mirza Fakhrul: No clear position was conveyed on this matter.

The Daily Star: So, within the government, are you trying to discern whether the student coordinators' statements reflect the broader anti-discrimination student movement?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes.

The Daily Star: Similarly, the government often points out that both the acting chairperson and the secretary-general of the BNP speak on behalf of the party, yet many others also speak. Whose statements should be considered as representing the BNP?

Mirza Fakhrul: The acting chairperson and the secretary-general—we represent the party. We present its official positions. Of course, others may speak as well. For students serving as coordinators, we assume their statements represent their group. Similarly, we view those in the government as their representatives.

Let me be unequivocal—the BNP has no conflict or distance with the coordinators. We want to support them and the government. However, we will not accept anything that goes against the will of the people.

The Daily Star: So, what reflects the will of the people?

Mirza Fakhrul: That's the problem. How do you determine what the people want? This is why we emphasize elections. Without elections, any attempt to bring about change would require a Constituent Assembly.

The Daily Star: You are advocating for elections, and the government is too. You're suggesting elections at a reasonable time, while the government wants reforms first. But the government hasn't openly stated any intent to hold on to power indefinitely. Doesn't this align BNP, the anti-discrimination student movement, and the government to some extent?

Mirza Fakhrul: There isn't much difference in principle. However, several fundamental issues need clarification. For instance, some are suggesting rewriting the Constitution rather than amending it. Even Dr Ali Riaz, who heads the reform committee, has stated that the Constitution will be rewritten.

At the end of the day, will the Constitution be rewritten, drafted anew, or simply amended? This remains unclear.

The Daily Star: What's your stance on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: We've also formed a committee on constitutional reform, which we'll share with the government. We're willing to cooperate in making the necessary amendments to the existing Constitution for governance. However, fundamental changes to the Constitution should be entrusted to the people. Only their representatives can undertake such tasks.

The Daily Star: But it was the people who carried out the uprising.

Mirza Fakhrul: Who exactly are "the people" behind the student-led uprising? Whose voices will you prioritise?

The Daily Star: Those who led it.

Mirza Fakhrul: How do you determine that? This issue is being debated from many perspectives.

The Daily Star: You were indirectly aligned with the movement. While you may not have been formally involved, the students led it, and the world witnessed that. Isn't that clear?

Mirza Fakhrul: We aren't denying that. We embrace it. We were also part of it. Our point is that any constitutional change requires the people's mandate. This government is not a revolutionary government.

The Daily Star: Nor is it a constitutional government.

Mirza Fakhrul: From a constitutional standpoint, the President is the custodian of the Constitution, not the Prime Minister. Regardless of who occupies the presidency, it remains an institution. Removing the President would require careful consideration of democratic principles. If the President steps down, who would replace him? According to our provisions, it would be the Speaker. And we believe the current Speaker would pose even greater challenges.

The Daily Star: You're talking about procedures, but revolutions don't follow procedures.

Mirza Fakhrul: In that case, they should have done it from the beginning. Doing it now will create chaos.

The Daily Star: If you're with them, why would there be chaos?

Mirza Fakhrul: Are we the only stakeholders? There are other parties. Questions will arise—who will lead? Who will run the government? Who will manage its organs? Who will head the military? This is a state, not a club. The state must function within the framework of the Constitution, which belongs to the people.

Let me reiterate—there is no fundamental difference or division between us and them. We believe that minimal constitutional amendments should be made to ensure free and fair elections. However, if this becomes problematic, we have suggested forming a Constituent Assembly, which must also be formed through elections. Elections are essential.

The Daily Star: Similar to the Constituent Assembly of 1973?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes. If you want to bring fundamental changes to the Constitution under these circumstances, a Constituent Assembly is the only way forward.

The Daily Star: You mentioned this isn't a revolutionary government, but they took their oath before the President, following constitutional norms. However, some, like Farhad Mazhar, argue that taking the oath was a mistake. He suggests they should have formed a revolutionary government instead and that there's still an opportunity to correct this by removing the President and declaring a revolutionary government.

Mirza Fakhrul: I believe in democracy—liberal democracy. So does my party. We are not a revolutionary party. Those advocating for a revolution first need to form a revolutionary party. Where is it?

Farhad Mazhar is a great thinker—arguably one of the best revolutionary thinkers in Bangladesh. But I don't see any revolutionary party. Revolutions require cadres and organisation. For instance, Mazhar once supported the Insaaf Party, but they've faded away. Now, they're relying on the student-led movement, which hasn't yet formed a political party.

So, where is the revolutionary party, and who will govern the state? In every successful revolution—Russia, China, Cambodia, Cuba, even Iran—a revolutionary party was there to lead the uprising. Those who talk of revolution here should leave the government and form a revolutionary party first.

The Daily Star: Do you think they should form a party?

Mirza Fakhrul: That's not for me to say. But I've always maintained they should leave the government to build such a party. Otherwise, in our political culture, people will assume they're a King's Party.

The Daily Star: If they form a political party, shouldn't they leave the government?

Mirza Fakhrul: They absolutely should. Otherwise, the government becomes biased. You claim the government will remain neutral, establish a neutral Election Commission, and conduct impartial elections. But if you simultaneously run a political party and hold government power, doesn't that create a direct conflict of interest? If you want to discuss revolutionary change, then form a revolutionary government and run the country accordingly. But is your political party capable of handling such a transformation?

Take the Awami League in 1974, for example, when they implemented BKSAL. Even their intellectual supporters argued this should have been done earlier, perhaps right after the liberation war in 1971. By 1974, however, it was too late, and the people rejected it. The lesson is clear: the people's verdict matters. And that verdict comes through elections.

The Daily Star: Political parties often emphasise democracy and elections while in opposition, but fail to uphold those ideals when in power. Is that observation unfair?

Mirza Fakhrul: That's not entirely accurate. Unfortunately, some segments of the media portray the ruling party as anti-democratic. However, when a ruling party engages in mass killings and destroys democratic institutions, how can you call them democratic? Sheikh Hasina, for instance, has done exactly that. She still says, "I don't understand what my crime is."

Now, I won't claim that everything was perfect during our time in power. But we did introduce significant democratic reforms, including reinstating parliamentary democracy. We implemented the caretaker government system, which was originally an Awami League demand. And yet, those who opposed democracy destroyed that very system.

You must admit, among the parties that have governed Bangladesh, BNP has contributed the most to democratic progress. This is undeniable.

What I find surprising is that a segment of Bangladesh's media seems to favor non-democratic regimes—those that do not come to power through elections.

The Daily Star: Sheikh Hasina used to make similar claims.

Mirza Fakhrul: I'm not denying that. But don't equate us with Sheikh Hasina. For 15-16 years, we've fought and sacrificed for democracy. We've endured jail, oppression, and even given our lives to resist fascism. Comparing us to Sheikh Hasina would be a grave injustice.

This narrative—where all democratic parties are painted as failures—is harmful. Media should focus on empowering democratic parties to gain public trust, especially among the youth. I believe in liberal democracy, and so does my party. I used to engage in leftist revolutionary politics, but I've learned that true progress only comes through democracy.

The Daily Star: Why did you shift from leftist politics to BNP?

Mirza Fakhrul: When I started active politics, I first ran as an independent candidate for the mayoral (then-chairman) position in Thakurgaon municipality. By then, I had already resigned from my teaching position.

The Daily Star: Why did you resign? Nowadays, many juggle both careers and politics.

Mirza Fakhrul: Times were different then, and so were my principles. It was a matter of ethics and legality. Once I decided to enter politics, it didn't feel right to hold a government job.

When I joined BNP, it was still in the opposition. The primary reason for joining was the party's founder, Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman. Despite being a military man, he introduced multiparty democracy in Bangladesh.

Secondly, among all the governments in Bangladesh's history, his administration was the best in terms of governance. Thirdly, Ziaur Rahman was a man of extraordinary integrity. Everyone, not just me, will vouch for that.

Finally, much of Bangladesh's current economic development stems from foundations he laid—whether it's manpower export, the establishment of the garments industry, or agricultural advancements. Meanwhile, Begum Khaleda Zia was courageously leading the movement against autocracy. These reasons collectively led me to BNP.

The Daily Star: There was some discussion about whether this government should have been a national government instead of an interim one. You've said they should have consulted political parties more. Why didn't you agree to a national government?

Mirza Fakhrul: There are two reasons for that. First, you can't ignore a country's political culture. We can't suddenly transform into England or Europe. We have to work with our current reality and move forward.

Second, Bangladesh has a diverse range of political parties with different ideologies. Building consensus among all of them is a daunting task. Political parties naturally take longer to reach agreements compared to non-political actors.

We felt that since this is an interim government, their primary duty is to quickly facilitate elections, not take excessive time. The caretaker government system we've had in the past wasn't perfect, but overall, it worked well.

The Daily Star: Are you saying the experience was good if we exclude the time of the 1/11 government?

Mirza Fakhrul: No, not excluding it. There were some flaws there too—there are always some flaws. But they didn't create any major problems. It was still acceptable. We accepted it, didn't we? We even joined Parliament after the 2008 elections.

The Daily Star: Wouldn't it have been easier to implement your current priorities if BNP had joined the government?

Mirza Fakhrul: That could also have made things more complicated. Other parties might have opposed certain proposals, creating further problems. Right now, we are accepting what this government is doing—most of us, at least.

The Daily Star: What's the latest update on Begum Khaleda Zia's condition?

Mirza Fakhrul: Her cases are now before the Supreme Court, and her sentences have been suspended. Physically, she's somewhat better but not well enough for long journeys. She still needs assistance to move, even within her house.

Her condition, liver cirrhosis, is very complex. We want to take her abroad for treatment, as liver transplants aren't possible here. International experts have also recommended this. In addition, a change of environment might benefit her mentally, although she remains incredibly strong-willed.

The Daily Star: When you last met her, did she discuss politics?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, she spoke about some strategies—what might work better in certain situations.

The Daily Star: What did she have to say when she heard that the Awami League government had fallen and Sheikh Hasina had fled?

Mirza Fakhrul: That very night, I visited her at the hospital. She issued a brief four-to-five-line statement. Later, I spoke with her at her residence. She expressed strong confidence in this government. She believes that this government will facilitate a truly fair election and hopes the issues will be resolved. She advised us to remain extremely vigilant because, as you know, in Bangladesh, conspiracies arise for various reasons.

The Daily Star: What's your observation on Awami League's politics?

Mirza Fakhrul: Awami League doesn't really have any politics. As I've said before, they've become politically bankrupt. You can see it for yourself. The Awami League is not only defeated but has turned into a despised party. Even within their ranks, those who are somewhat sensible would admit that the party has made grave mistakes.

The Daily Star: Have you listened to the leaked phone conversations of Sheikh Hasina?

Mirza Fakhrul: I've heard a few of them. I usually don't listen to such things because I believe she hasn't changed at all. She remains the same as before. She killed so many people and hasn't shown the slightest remorse or regret for it. On the contrary, she is making statements that aim to create instability in the country. From her words, it's evident that she wants to stir up significant unrest. She's instructing people to bring Trump posters. Not long ago, she was vehemently criticising America, yet now she's asking for banners with the US president's picture. This shows just how politically bankrupt they've become. Her plan is to have people beaten for carrying Trump's posters and then send those images to Trump to gain leverage. The Awami League is utterly bankrupt at this point.

The Daily Star: Have Awami League members changed?

Mirza Fakhrul: No, I'm referring to those still in the country, not those who've fled. Even within the party, those who genuinely want to pursue democratic politics now believe their party has made serious mistakes.

The Daily Star: When discussions arise about banning the Awami League—given that its student wing, the Chhatra League, has already been banned—why does your party disagree with the idea?

Mirza Fakhrul: At my core, I am a liberal democrat. No matter how bad the Awami League is, it's an old political party with a long history. Who am I to decide whether it should be banned? That decision rests with the people. An elected parliament, formed through fair elections, will determine such matters. The Awami League will eventually be wiped out through elections anyway.

The Daily Star: A bankrupt and discredited party, responsible for the killing of thousands, still led by Sheikh Hasina from exile—if a proposal comes to ban such a party, is it irrelevant?

Mirza Fakhrul: I didn't call it irrelevant. What I said is that it's not my responsibility to make that decision. That is for the people to decide.

The Daily Star: Let's assume the BNP wins the next election and takes charge of the country. Would your parliament take the initiative to ban the Awami League?

Mirza Fakhrul: That would depend on the situation at the time. What the party decides at that point is something I can't predict right now. I can't say whether we would take such an initiative or not because it will ultimately be a party decision.

The Daily Star: After banning the Chhatra League, there's been speculation that Chhatra Dal could also face a ban. Some argue that's why the BNP opposed the Chhatra League's ban. Is that true, or is this about upholding democratic values?

Mirza Fakhrul: Why view this negatively? Let's look at it positively. The Chhatra League had devolved into a completely terrorist organisation with no trace of democratic values. They wreaked havoc on the entire education system through their acts of terrorism. There's ample evidence and photographs of how the Chhatra League, acting as a political force, killed during student uprisings—you probably have more of that evidence than we do. The situation of the Chhatra League and Chhatra Dal isn't comparable at all.

The Daily Star: I'm not comparing Chhatra League with Chhatra Dal. However, considering the allegations of Chhatra League using firearms, machetes, and cleavers to kill students, its ban has been justified. Yet, the BNP seems to believe that the decision was not right. Why is that?

Mirza Fakhrul: No one from our party has said that banning Chhatra League was unjustified. What we've said is that the decision to ban any organisation should be made by the parliament.

The Daily Star: The BNP's acting chairperson is still in London. Many people often ask us if we know when he might return. Do you have any updates on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: He will return soon. His legal cases are being addressed. Once the cases are resolved, he will come back to the country.

The Daily Star: Do you want those cases to be withdrawn or resolved through judicial processes?

Mirza Fakhrul: We've never asked for their withdrawal. We want the cases to be resolved through judicial processes. Tarique Rahman himself wants these cases to be legally resolved. All the cases against him are fabricated.

The Daily Star: Will he return after the cases are resolved, or is there a possibility he may return earlier?

Mirza Fakhrul: He may return earlier. He will come back at an appropriate time.

The Daily Star: What's your assessment of the current government's performance over the past three months?

Mirza Fakhrul: They've demonstrated good intentions and taken steps toward holding elections. However, they haven't yet effectively addressed key issues like controlling commodity prices or alleviating the apprehension among businesses.

On the law-and-order front, there's been significant improvement. Compared to the previous state—where police stations were abandoned, and law enforcement was ineffective—they've made considerable progress. Public confidence in the police is gradually returning.

The Daily Star: Allegations have surfaced that BNP leaders are now engaging in the same extortion and land-grabbing that Awami League leaders were accused of. What's your take on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: You can't generalize such claims. Yes, there have been isolated incidents, and we've acted decisively. Over 700 members have been expelled for misconduct. We're well aware of the issue and remain vigilant.

The Daily Star: Allegations of minority persecution continue to be used as political propaganda. What's BNP's stance?

Mirza Fakhrul: Most of these incidents are political, not communal. On August 5, for example, Salman F Rahman's house was attacked and looted. Similarly, if a Hindu Awami League leader's house was targeted, it was also politically motivated.

Unfortunately, some Indian media outlets have perpetuated a narrative that Bangladesh is becoming a hotbed for extremism without Awami League in power. This is false, and the global community isn't buying it anymore.

The Daily Star: But Trump's recent statement on X (formerly Twitter) suggests some traction.

Mirza Fakhrul: Trump is not the global community. He's not even officially back in power in the US yet. His statement seemed highly irresponsible and unbecoming of a statesman.

The Daily Star: Final question. There seems to be a growing narrative against certain media outlets in Bangladesh, particularly The Daily Star and Prothom Alo, labeling them as accomplices of fascism, with even calls from some quarters to shut them down. Though this sentiment may not be widespread, it does exist. As the secretary general of a major political party, what is your stance on this, and what do you think should be done in this regard?

Mirza Fakhrul: Our position is very clear: we strongly believe in the complete freedom of the press. It was Ziaur Rahman who first brought this principle forward.

That being said, media freedom must be exercised with responsibility. For example, some time ago, a newspaper published a report claiming that all arrangements had been made for Begum Khaleda Zia to leave the country, but she refused to go. This was utterly baseless and a completely false report. The media must refrain from publishing such unfounded news, especially when it concerns national leaders. There must be a solid basis for such claims. Baseless reporting should not happen.

Right now, the media's most significant responsibility is to contribute towards ensuring that this government quickly holds fair elections. Another crucial role for the media is to avoid maligning the parties that are genuinely involved in the movement for democracy. These are our expectations. There may be differences of opinion, and that's fine, but deliberate misrepresentation is unacceptable.

We are vocal about press freedom. For instance, we welcome the decision to repeal the Digital Security Act and Cyber Security Act. This is a very positive step, and it is what we have been advocating for. However, we also want everything to be done with a sense of responsibility. In a democracy, rights are essential, but so is accountability. Everyone must act responsibly.

As for the calls to shut down media outlets or burn them down, we are entirely against such actions. Some isolated incidents may have occurred, but we have protested against them to the best of our ability.

The Daily Star: Thank you very much for your time.

Mirza Fakhrul: Thank you as well. We are always in support of ensuring that you can continue to speak the truth freely.

Comments

Mirza Fakhrul's unabridged interview

As the interim government completed its 100 days in office after the ouster of the Awami League-led government through a mass uprising, the demand to hold a free and fair election to hand over power to an elected government is getting louder, especially from BNP, one of the largest political parties in Bangladesh. Meanwhile, the interim government says it is carrying out reforms in key sectors including the election commission to hand over power to an elected government.

The Daily Star's Golam Mortoza caught up with BNP's Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir to talk about a host of issues ranging from elections to constitution reform. Here is the full interview:

The Daily Star: As the secretary general of one of Bangladesh's largest political parties, we would like to hear your thoughts on the current political situation. A successful mass uprising has taken place, and an interim government has been formed as a result. Your party has been calling for elections within a timeframe that is both "quick" and "logical." Could you clarify what you mean by "quick" and "reasonable"?

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir: Over 15 years of authoritarian rule have destroyed the bureaucratic and political structures of Bangladesh. The institutions essential for running a democratic state have been systematically dismantled. As a result, following the student-led mass uprising, public expectations have skyrocketed. The primary expectation now is that this government will conduct a fair and credible election, enabling the people to form a parliament and government of their choice.

There is also another expectation—to address and remove all the debris that has been collected due to this long bout of misrule.

The Daily Star: By debris, you mean reforms?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, reforms are necessary to clear this debris. We felt about this long ago. As a party, we presented a 31-point agenda two years ago, outlining specific reforms in every critical area, including structural repairs to the state apparatus.

Therefore, when this government brought up reforms, we raised no objections. However, we emphasised that these reforms must be completed within a "reasonable" timeframe.

The Daily Star: How would you define a reasonable timeframe?

Mirza Fakhrul: The question is: what constitutes a reasonable timeframe? There are a few minimum requirements. For instance, the electoral system needs to be reformed to enable free and fair elections. The heavily politicised bureaucracy must be overhauled to make it neutral and capable of facilitating a credible election. Similarly, the judiciary, which has been politicised, needs to be reformed to the extent possible. Complete reform might not be achievable immediately, especially at the grassroots level, but these steps are critical.

The Daily Star: Your acting chairperson, Tarique Rahman, has also spoken about this logical timeframe, making it clear there's no rush. However, some of your party leaders have mentioned that elections should be held by March or April, leading to some confusion. What is BNP's official position on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: We do not want to specify exact dates or deadlines because, as a party, we are being pragmatic. There may be some flexibility with the timeline, but elections must be held as quickly as possible for the good of the country and its people.

Having been in government ourselves, we understand that reforms require some time. However, we insist on timely elections because only an elected government can ensure legitimacy. The mandate of an elected government is entirely different from that of an interim administration. When we interact with foreign stakeholders, investors, and industrialists, they often express concerns about investing during the tenure of a temporary government. Timely elections will resolve many of these issues.

The Daily Star: You spoke of elected governments and public mandates. If we look back at the elected governments from 1991 to 2009, can we identify significant reforms during their tenure?

Mirza Fakhrul: There were positive developments, undoubtedly. For instance, we transitioned from a one-party system to a multi-party democracy, and parliamentary governance was established. However, these practices were not sustained because the previous government suppressed democratic practices. The abolition of the caretaker government system was a grave mistake, and it is the root of today's political crisis.

I am fully aware that elections alone do not constitute democracy. However, elections are the primary gateway to democracy. Without a government mandated by the people, reforms will lack legitimacy. An elected government has the strength and courage to implement reforms, which an interim government can never possess.

The Daily Star: Regarding the interim government, particularly the current one—there is a suggestion that although it lacks electoral legitimacy, it came to power after a mass uprising involving students and the public, with active participation from all political parties, including the BNP. Doesn't that give this government a mandate derived from the uprising?

Mirza Fakhrul: The uprising undoubtedly aimed for reforms. But that does not mean this government can operate indefinitely, like what we saw during the 1/11 (indicating the government that took power on January 11, 2007) period or similar situations in the past. An unelected government must not exceed its logical timeframe. Prolonged tenure creates various complications, including difficulties with international relations.

Additionally, anti-democratic and fascist forces often take advantage of such transitions. During 1/11, the government's attempts at reforms ultimately failed, forcing them to hold elections and leave.

The Daily Star: Why does the spectre of 1/11 keep coming up in your discussions?

Mirza Fakhrul: Because 1/11 caused significant damage to us.

The Daily Star: But the formation process of the 1/11 government and this government are not the same.

Mirza Fakhrul: There are some similarities—they are both unelected governments without public representation. One must remember that true representation comes only through elections. Representation is not limited to BNP, a group of students, or those who led the movement. Representation lies with those chosen by the people through votes. This is not just rhetoric; it's a reality.

Countries where democracy thrives place the highest importance on elected representatives. We haven't been able to practice democracy here. Whenever unelected governments come to power, they develop ambitions to extend their tenure, which is why we keep bringing up 1/11.

The Daily Star: Another relevant question arises. Even before this movement, school students had launched a campaign for structural reforms, which you supported. Now, as part of this movement, the current government is pushing for constitutional reforms. However, your party seems to disagree with their approach. Why is that?

Mirza Fakhrul: We are not against reforms. What we said is that necessary changes must follow due process. The interim government took its oath under the current constitution and consulted the Appellate Division for guidance. This means the constitution is still in effect.

If the constitution is to be amended, the question arises: who is qualified to do so? In a democracy, it is the people who hold sovereignty. Governments are to be formed through elections, and the parliament is the ultimate decision-making body in a parliamentary system. This is the standard practice in all democratic nations.

Unfortunately, our legacy of undermining democracy began during Pakistan's rule and continued in Bangladesh. Even Sheikh Mujib dismantled democracy by establishing the one-party system, BKSAL.

The Daily Star: You mentioned democratic culture. As someone who has spent your life in politics, would you say that the BNP, as a major political party, practices democracy internally?

Mirza Fakhrul: I won't claim we do it perfectly well, but we are practicing democracy. Our council meetings are held, and our standing committee meets four times a month. Decisions are made collectively. While the current situation has prevented us from holding council meetings everywhere, we will address that as well.

Abolishing the caretaker government system was the greatest mistake. Elections under a caretaker government fostered democratic practices. In contrast, there has been no accountability in the last three elections. A country's democratic culture influences its political parties, and all of us must work together to strengthen it.

The Daily Star: The elections in 2014, 2018, and now in 2024 have been widely criticized. Let's discuss 1/11 again. Its emergence is often attributed to political failure. Would you agree?

Mirza Fakhrul: I won't deny our share of responsibility. However, we must consider the context. After 9/11, global politics shifted, particularly with the West's "war on terror." This indirectly became a war against democracy as well. Leading up to 1/11, Western diplomats were unusually active in Bangladesh, even forming their own club. Their influence played a significant role.

If they had worked to ensure free and fair elections instead of taking control, the outcome would have been different. Entrusting someone like Fakhruddin Ahmed, a bureaucrat with no political experience, to lead was a mistake. You can't expect democracy from those who lack political understanding.

The Daily Star: How do you view the current government?

Mirza Fakhrul: This government came to power through a mass uprising. We support them and are engaging in discussions with them. While they've made mistakes, they are trying to correct them and work on reforms. We are trying to adjust to this transitional phase.

The Daily Star: Student activists from the anti-discrimination movement have said they will reform first, then hold elections. However, they've also emphasized that reforms shouldn't mean staying in power for five or six years. Their timeline may not align with yours, but they also seek a timeframe.

Mirza Fakhrul: We haven't discussed the timeline in detail. During our three meetings with the chief advisor, we told him we are willing to give them sufficient time, but it must be reasonable.

The Daily Star: Are you concerned that the current government may delay elections or avoid them altogether?

Mirza Fakhrul: At this point, I don't see any indication of that. We've had both formal and informal discussions with the student leaders, and I haven't felt that they intend to delay or avoid elections.

The Daily Star: Though it may not seem overly important, I want to bring up some comments circulating on social media. Do you believe there's any attempt to sideline the BNP as well?

Mirza Fakhrul: There has been talk about this, and we've mentioned it once or twice. Where do these concerns come from? When we see a deviation from core issues, or where there are unfortunate errors of judgment, these fears naturally arise. For instance, before forming the reform commissions, it would have been better if they had consulted us. These incidents have created a bit of distance.

Secondly, we suggested suspending the current election laws and forming an election commission with individuals acceptable to all, through dialogue with political parties. Instead, they formed a search committee and sought names. Our experience with search committees hasn't been positive. While we did submit names, the selections mostly favoured government-aligned individuals.

The Daily Star: You still submitted names despite knowing that?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, we did. We've always extended cooperation to the government. At the same time, based on our past experiences, we continuously warn them to learn from the past and avoid similar problems. This is also what we expect from Dr. Yunus' government. He is a highly respected figure—not only in this country but globally. From the very beginning, we told him we had high expectations. If those expectations aren't met or results don't materialize, it would be an injustice to his own legacy.

The best approach would be to involve political parties in the process. If that doesn't happen, you'll inevitably face a barrage of criticism. A brief discussion doesn't cover everything, which is why we believe frequent meetings with political parties are necessary.

We've observed that Ali Riaz is sending letters to political parties. We haven't received one yet, but we expect to. They want us to formally communicate our expectations to them, which is good. We'll submit our views in writing. However, they must also actively engage in dialogue with political parties.

The Daily Star: You're saying you want to communicate and receive communication?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes. We'll submit our views in writing. But will the resulting changes be implemented without consulting us? If major issues arise, then what? This is a fundamental question.

Some people have asked, "What is the Constitution?" They say a popular uprising is the Constitution. But who will execute this? A mandate and authority are required to bring about constitutional change.

Let me ask you a question: Millions participated in the student-led mass uprising. From whom will you derive this mandate? Three student representatives have joined the government. Are they the only representatives? What about the others? We've observed that the coordinators are expressing diverse opinions, with some suggesting they want to form a political party. That's fine, but it needs to be clarified. The involvement of student coordinators in the government also remains unclear.

The Daily Star: When you've engaged in discussions, have you addressed this issue?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, we've brought it up.

The Daily Star: What was the government's response?

Mirza Fakhrul: No clear position was conveyed on this matter.

The Daily Star: So, within the government, are you trying to discern whether the student coordinators' statements reflect the broader anti-discrimination student movement?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes.

The Daily Star: Similarly, the government often points out that both the acting chairperson and the secretary-general of the BNP speak on behalf of the party, yet many others also speak. Whose statements should be considered as representing the BNP?

Mirza Fakhrul: The acting chairperson and the secretary-general—we represent the party. We present its official positions. Of course, others may speak as well. For students serving as coordinators, we assume their statements represent their group. Similarly, we view those in the government as their representatives.

Let me be unequivocal—the BNP has no conflict or distance with the coordinators. We want to support them and the government. However, we will not accept anything that goes against the will of the people.

The Daily Star: So, what reflects the will of the people?

Mirza Fakhrul: That's the problem. How do you determine what the people want? This is why we emphasize elections. Without elections, any attempt to bring about change would require a Constituent Assembly.

The Daily Star: You are advocating for elections, and the government is too. You're suggesting elections at a reasonable time, while the government wants reforms first. But the government hasn't openly stated any intent to hold on to power indefinitely. Doesn't this align BNP, the anti-discrimination student movement, and the government to some extent?

Mirza Fakhrul: There isn't much difference in principle. However, several fundamental issues need clarification. For instance, some are suggesting rewriting the Constitution rather than amending it. Even Dr Ali Riaz, who heads the reform committee, has stated that the Constitution will be rewritten.

At the end of the day, will the Constitution be rewritten, drafted anew, or simply amended? This remains unclear.

The Daily Star: What's your stance on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: We've also formed a committee on constitutional reform, which we'll share with the government. We're willing to cooperate in making the necessary amendments to the existing Constitution for governance. However, fundamental changes to the Constitution should be entrusted to the people. Only their representatives can undertake such tasks.

The Daily Star: But it was the people who carried out the uprising.

Mirza Fakhrul: Who exactly are "the people" behind the student-led uprising? Whose voices will you prioritise?

The Daily Star: Those who led it.

Mirza Fakhrul: How do you determine that? This issue is being debated from many perspectives.

The Daily Star: You were indirectly aligned with the movement. While you may not have been formally involved, the students led it, and the world witnessed that. Isn't that clear?

Mirza Fakhrul: We aren't denying that. We embrace it. We were also part of it. Our point is that any constitutional change requires the people's mandate. This government is not a revolutionary government.

The Daily Star: Nor is it a constitutional government.

Mirza Fakhrul: From a constitutional standpoint, the President is the custodian of the Constitution, not the Prime Minister. Regardless of who occupies the presidency, it remains an institution. Removing the President would require careful consideration of democratic principles. If the President steps down, who would replace him? According to our provisions, it would be the Speaker. And we believe the current Speaker would pose even greater challenges.

The Daily Star: You're talking about procedures, but revolutions don't follow procedures.

Mirza Fakhrul: In that case, they should have done it from the beginning. Doing it now will create chaos.

The Daily Star: If you're with them, why would there be chaos?

Mirza Fakhrul: Are we the only stakeholders? There are other parties. Questions will arise—who will lead? Who will run the government? Who will manage its organs? Who will head the military? This is a state, not a club. The state must function within the framework of the Constitution, which belongs to the people.

Let me reiterate—there is no fundamental difference or division between us and them. We believe that minimal constitutional amendments should be made to ensure free and fair elections. However, if this becomes problematic, we have suggested forming a Constituent Assembly, which must also be formed through elections. Elections are essential.

The Daily Star: Similar to the Constituent Assembly of 1973?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes. If you want to bring fundamental changes to the Constitution under these circumstances, a Constituent Assembly is the only way forward.

The Daily Star: You mentioned this isn't a revolutionary government, but they took their oath before the President, following constitutional norms. However, some, like Farhad Mazhar, argue that taking the oath was a mistake. He suggests they should have formed a revolutionary government instead and that there's still an opportunity to correct this by removing the President and declaring a revolutionary government.

Mirza Fakhrul: I believe in democracy—liberal democracy. So does my party. We are not a revolutionary party. Those advocating for a revolution first need to form a revolutionary party. Where is it?

Farhad Mazhar is a great thinker—arguably one of the best revolutionary thinkers in Bangladesh. But I don't see any revolutionary party. Revolutions require cadres and organisation. For instance, Mazhar once supported the Insaaf Party, but they've faded away. Now, they're relying on the student-led movement, which hasn't yet formed a political party.

So, where is the revolutionary party, and who will govern the state? In every successful revolution—Russia, China, Cambodia, Cuba, even Iran—a revolutionary party was there to lead the uprising. Those who talk of revolution here should leave the government and form a revolutionary party first.

The Daily Star: Do you think they should form a party?

Mirza Fakhrul: That's not for me to say. But I've always maintained they should leave the government to build such a party. Otherwise, in our political culture, people will assume they're a King's Party.

The Daily Star: If they form a political party, shouldn't they leave the government?

Mirza Fakhrul: They absolutely should. Otherwise, the government becomes biased. You claim the government will remain neutral, establish a neutral Election Commission, and conduct impartial elections. But if you simultaneously run a political party and hold government power, doesn't that create a direct conflict of interest? If you want to discuss revolutionary change, then form a revolutionary government and run the country accordingly. But is your political party capable of handling such a transformation?

Take the Awami League in 1974, for example, when they implemented BKSAL. Even their intellectual supporters argued this should have been done earlier, perhaps right after the liberation war in 1971. By 1974, however, it was too late, and the people rejected it. The lesson is clear: the people's verdict matters. And that verdict comes through elections.

The Daily Star: Political parties often emphasise democracy and elections while in opposition, but fail to uphold those ideals when in power. Is that observation unfair?

Mirza Fakhrul: That's not entirely accurate. Unfortunately, some segments of the media portray the ruling party as anti-democratic. However, when a ruling party engages in mass killings and destroys democratic institutions, how can you call them democratic? Sheikh Hasina, for instance, has done exactly that. She still says, "I don't understand what my crime is."

Now, I won't claim that everything was perfect during our time in power. But we did introduce significant democratic reforms, including reinstating parliamentary democracy. We implemented the caretaker government system, which was originally an Awami League demand. And yet, those who opposed democracy destroyed that very system.

You must admit, among the parties that have governed Bangladesh, BNP has contributed the most to democratic progress. This is undeniable.

What I find surprising is that a segment of Bangladesh's media seems to favor non-democratic regimes—those that do not come to power through elections.

The Daily Star: Sheikh Hasina used to make similar claims.

Mirza Fakhrul: I'm not denying that. But don't equate us with Sheikh Hasina. For 15-16 years, we've fought and sacrificed for democracy. We've endured jail, oppression, and even given our lives to resist fascism. Comparing us to Sheikh Hasina would be a grave injustice.

This narrative—where all democratic parties are painted as failures—is harmful. Media should focus on empowering democratic parties to gain public trust, especially among the youth. I believe in liberal democracy, and so does my party. I used to engage in leftist revolutionary politics, but I've learned that true progress only comes through democracy.

The Daily Star: Why did you shift from leftist politics to BNP?

Mirza Fakhrul: When I started active politics, I first ran as an independent candidate for the mayoral (then-chairman) position in Thakurgaon municipality. By then, I had already resigned from my teaching position.

The Daily Star: Why did you resign? Nowadays, many juggle both careers and politics.

Mirza Fakhrul: Times were different then, and so were my principles. It was a matter of ethics and legality. Once I decided to enter politics, it didn't feel right to hold a government job.

When I joined BNP, it was still in the opposition. The primary reason for joining was the party's founder, Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman. Despite being a military man, he introduced multiparty democracy in Bangladesh.

Secondly, among all the governments in Bangladesh's history, his administration was the best in terms of governance. Thirdly, Ziaur Rahman was a man of extraordinary integrity. Everyone, not just me, will vouch for that.

Finally, much of Bangladesh's current economic development stems from foundations he laid—whether it's manpower export, the establishment of the garments industry, or agricultural advancements. Meanwhile, Begum Khaleda Zia was courageously leading the movement against autocracy. These reasons collectively led me to BNP.

The Daily Star: There was some discussion about whether this government should have been a national government instead of an interim one. You've said they should have consulted political parties more. Why didn't you agree to a national government?

Mirza Fakhrul: There are two reasons for that. First, you can't ignore a country's political culture. We can't suddenly transform into England or Europe. We have to work with our current reality and move forward.

Second, Bangladesh has a diverse range of political parties with different ideologies. Building consensus among all of them is a daunting task. Political parties naturally take longer to reach agreements compared to non-political actors.

We felt that since this is an interim government, their primary duty is to quickly facilitate elections, not take excessive time. The caretaker government system we've had in the past wasn't perfect, but overall, it worked well.

The Daily Star: Are you saying the experience was good if we exclude the time of the 1/11 government?

Mirza Fakhrul: No, not excluding it. There were some flaws there too—there are always some flaws. But they didn't create any major problems. It was still acceptable. We accepted it, didn't we? We even joined Parliament after the 2008 elections.

The Daily Star: Wouldn't it have been easier to implement your current priorities if BNP had joined the government?

Mirza Fakhrul: That could also have made things more complicated. Other parties might have opposed certain proposals, creating further problems. Right now, we are accepting what this government is doing—most of us, at least.

The Daily Star: What's the latest update on Begum Khaleda Zia's condition?

Mirza Fakhrul: Her cases are now before the Supreme Court, and her sentences have been suspended. Physically, she's somewhat better but not well enough for long journeys. She still needs assistance to move, even within her house.

Her condition, liver cirrhosis, is very complex. We want to take her abroad for treatment, as liver transplants aren't possible here. International experts have also recommended this. In addition, a change of environment might benefit her mentally, although she remains incredibly strong-willed.

The Daily Star: When you last met her, did she discuss politics?

Mirza Fakhrul: Yes, she spoke about some strategies—what might work better in certain situations.

The Daily Star: What did she have to say when she heard that the Awami League government had fallen and Sheikh Hasina had fled?

Mirza Fakhrul: That very night, I visited her at the hospital. She issued a brief four-to-five-line statement. Later, I spoke with her at her residence. She expressed strong confidence in this government. She believes that this government will facilitate a truly fair election and hopes the issues will be resolved. She advised us to remain extremely vigilant because, as you know, in Bangladesh, conspiracies arise for various reasons.

The Daily Star: What's your observation on Awami League's politics?

Mirza Fakhrul: Awami League doesn't really have any politics. As I've said before, they've become politically bankrupt. You can see it for yourself. The Awami League is not only defeated but has turned into a despised party. Even within their ranks, those who are somewhat sensible would admit that the party has made grave mistakes.

The Daily Star: Have you listened to the leaked phone conversations of Sheikh Hasina?

Mirza Fakhrul: I've heard a few of them. I usually don't listen to such things because I believe she hasn't changed at all. She remains the same as before. She killed so many people and hasn't shown the slightest remorse or regret for it. On the contrary, she is making statements that aim to create instability in the country. From her words, it's evident that she wants to stir up significant unrest. She's instructing people to bring Trump posters. Not long ago, she was vehemently criticising America, yet now she's asking for banners with the US president's picture. This shows just how politically bankrupt they've become. Her plan is to have people beaten for carrying Trump's posters and then send those images to Trump to gain leverage. The Awami League is utterly bankrupt at this point.

The Daily Star: Have Awami League members changed?

Mirza Fakhrul: No, I'm referring to those still in the country, not those who've fled. Even within the party, those who genuinely want to pursue democratic politics now believe their party has made serious mistakes.

The Daily Star: When discussions arise about banning the Awami League—given that its student wing, the Chhatra League, has already been banned—why does your party disagree with the idea?

Mirza Fakhrul: At my core, I am a liberal democrat. No matter how bad the Awami League is, it's an old political party with a long history. Who am I to decide whether it should be banned? That decision rests with the people. An elected parliament, formed through fair elections, will determine such matters. The Awami League will eventually be wiped out through elections anyway.

The Daily Star: A bankrupt and discredited party, responsible for the killing of thousands, still led by Sheikh Hasina from exile—if a proposal comes to ban such a party, is it irrelevant?

Mirza Fakhrul: I didn't call it irrelevant. What I said is that it's not my responsibility to make that decision. That is for the people to decide.

The Daily Star: Let's assume the BNP wins the next election and takes charge of the country. Would your parliament take the initiative to ban the Awami League?

Mirza Fakhrul: That would depend on the situation at the time. What the party decides at that point is something I can't predict right now. I can't say whether we would take such an initiative or not because it will ultimately be a party decision.

The Daily Star: After banning the Chhatra League, there's been speculation that Chhatra Dal could also face a ban. Some argue that's why the BNP opposed the Chhatra League's ban. Is that true, or is this about upholding democratic values?

Mirza Fakhrul: Why view this negatively? Let's look at it positively. The Chhatra League had devolved into a completely terrorist organisation with no trace of democratic values. They wreaked havoc on the entire education system through their acts of terrorism. There's ample evidence and photographs of how the Chhatra League, acting as a political force, killed during student uprisings—you probably have more of that evidence than we do. The situation of the Chhatra League and Chhatra Dal isn't comparable at all.

The Daily Star: I'm not comparing Chhatra League with Chhatra Dal. However, considering the allegations of Chhatra League using firearms, machetes, and cleavers to kill students, its ban has been justified. Yet, the BNP seems to believe that the decision was not right. Why is that?

Mirza Fakhrul: No one from our party has said that banning Chhatra League was unjustified. What we've said is that the decision to ban any organisation should be made by the parliament.

The Daily Star: The BNP's acting chairperson is still in London. Many people often ask us if we know when he might return. Do you have any updates on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: He will return soon. His legal cases are being addressed. Once the cases are resolved, he will come back to the country.

The Daily Star: Do you want those cases to be withdrawn or resolved through judicial processes?

Mirza Fakhrul: We've never asked for their withdrawal. We want the cases to be resolved through judicial processes. Tarique Rahman himself wants these cases to be legally resolved. All the cases against him are fabricated.

The Daily Star: Will he return after the cases are resolved, or is there a possibility he may return earlier?

Mirza Fakhrul: He may return earlier. He will come back at an appropriate time.

The Daily Star: What's your assessment of the current government's performance over the past three months?

Mirza Fakhrul: They've demonstrated good intentions and taken steps toward holding elections. However, they haven't yet effectively addressed key issues like controlling commodity prices or alleviating the apprehension among businesses.

On the law-and-order front, there's been significant improvement. Compared to the previous state—where police stations were abandoned, and law enforcement was ineffective—they've made considerable progress. Public confidence in the police is gradually returning.

The Daily Star: Allegations have surfaced that BNP leaders are now engaging in the same extortion and land-grabbing that Awami League leaders were accused of. What's your take on this?

Mirza Fakhrul: You can't generalize such claims. Yes, there have been isolated incidents, and we've acted decisively. Over 700 members have been expelled for misconduct. We're well aware of the issue and remain vigilant.

The Daily Star: Allegations of minority persecution continue to be used as political propaganda. What's BNP's stance?

Mirza Fakhrul: Most of these incidents are political, not communal. On August 5, for example, Salman F Rahman's house was attacked and looted. Similarly, if a Hindu Awami League leader's house was targeted, it was also politically motivated.

Unfortunately, some Indian media outlets have perpetuated a narrative that Bangladesh is becoming a hotbed for extremism without Awami League in power. This is false, and the global community isn't buying it anymore.

The Daily Star: But Trump's recent statement on X (formerly Twitter) suggests some traction.

Mirza Fakhrul: Trump is not the global community. He's not even officially back in power in the US yet. His statement seemed highly irresponsible and unbecoming of a statesman.

The Daily Star: Final question. There seems to be a growing narrative against certain media outlets in Bangladesh, particularly The Daily Star and Prothom Alo, labeling them as accomplices of fascism, with even calls from some quarters to shut them down. Though this sentiment may not be widespread, it does exist. As the secretary general of a major political party, what is your stance on this, and what do you think should be done in this regard?

Mirza Fakhrul: Our position is very clear: we strongly believe in the complete freedom of the press. It was Ziaur Rahman who first brought this principle forward.

That being said, media freedom must be exercised with responsibility. For example, some time ago, a newspaper published a report claiming that all arrangements had been made for Begum Khaleda Zia to leave the country, but she refused to go. This was utterly baseless and a completely false report. The media must refrain from publishing such unfounded news, especially when it concerns national leaders. There must be a solid basis for such claims. Baseless reporting should not happen.

Right now, the media's most significant responsibility is to contribute towards ensuring that this government quickly holds fair elections. Another crucial role for the media is to avoid maligning the parties that are genuinely involved in the movement for democracy. These are our expectations. There may be differences of opinion, and that's fine, but deliberate misrepresentation is unacceptable.

We are vocal about press freedom. For instance, we welcome the decision to repeal the Digital Security Act and Cyber Security Act. This is a very positive step, and it is what we have been advocating for. However, we also want everything to be done with a sense of responsibility. In a democracy, rights are essential, but so is accountability. Everyone must act responsibly.

As for the calls to shut down media outlets or burn them down, we are entirely against such actions. Some isolated incidents may have occurred, but we have protested against them to the best of our ability.

The Daily Star: Thank you very much for your time.

Mirza Fakhrul: Thank you as well. We are always in support of ensuring that you can continue to speak the truth freely.

Comments