The year 2015 began with firebombs thrown at people, but if everything goes well it may end with people throwing firecrackers into the sky, celebrating the country's local body elections. In this turnaround, much has to be said about our people, their resilience, and ability to adapt considering the political arena of the country. For much of this year, it has been a period of great uncertainty, anxiety, and fear in the aftermath of the political wrangling between the two major parties and the damage it caused the common man. The relative lull that followed, along with a sudden quietness in partisan activism, led people to believe that perhaps this kind of indolence will be the rule for a few years. Many even sang the dirge for the main opposition in politics, with dire predictions for democracy in the country.  But the scene that we are witnessing now in districts and small towns of Bangladesh today seems to direct the other way. The decision by BNP to join the municipal elections proves that the party is alive and kicking.

In a country that has gone through many shocks in its short democratic history, elections are where people can express their voice and hope in democracy.  The horrific events of inter-party feuds less than two years ago led to a national election that was void of the cheers and festive processions that usually accompany our elections. Instead, we saw an election that was mostly uncontested, marked by voter-less election booths, empty ballot boxes, and hardly any processions, as the major opposition opted out of the national elections. It was not just that the party held out, it also went out of the way to stymie the elections with muscle power and violence. Nothing worked, and the party in power retained its control.  The country set sail on a path that some thought would be the beginning of a managed democracy that would operate by exclusion and not inclusion. A democracy that would negate plurality, the very essence of democracy.

There are two significant aspects of these elections for municipal bodies. First, of course, is the government's decision to let the elections be contested on party basis, all 234 of them. Second, is the main opposition's decision to take part in these elections. There are differences of opinion on whether the elections should have been allowed to be contested on a party basis because this opens doors to the probable use of monetary resources to win party nominations. It also makes a non-party candidate vulnerable, as they would lack the strength and support of a party backed candidate. The arguments may be valid, but the government decision to make the contest on a partisan basis was a clever way to make the elections more meaningful and participatory. BNP's decision to join the elections is proof of that.

There may be many reasons about this turnaround in the main opposition's decision. These range from pressures from the rank and file of the party to join in the local elections, to a rethinking within the top leadership to resuscitate the party from the inertia of the last one year. There may even be some behind the scenes political manoeuvres or external pressures that led the party to this decision.  However, all these are speculations. The ground reality is that despite the dormancy in party politics, a good number of BNP workers at field level have popular support and want to participate in these elections.  The leadership at the top may not have had a second choice.

Irrespective of the expediency of the government decision to have the municipal elections on party basis and BNP's choice to participate in these elections, people in 234 municipalities are now eagerly waiting for the elections, with each party campaigning in a festive mode for its favoured candidate. But then what?

The municipalities for which the contests are being held are mostly semi-urban or near-rural towns distributed all over Bangladesh. Many of these can be best described as market places (bazaars) that have little infrastructure such as paved roads, electricity, water supply, and sanitation. The finances of these municipalities are sustained partly through market revenues and partly through government subsidies. In all, but a few, the municipalities can ill afford to provide the basic civic services with their income, yet the candidates are promising their voters the moon. In reality, what they are trying to achieve are offices which will bestow them honour and prestige. 

If the enthusiasm of the voters and the candidates is any proof, the local bodies can fill a big gap in people's expectations. What they lack now is both ability and resources. The ability to provide the services cannot come from legislation or simply by renaming a bazaar as a municipality. This will come from the ability to generate resources from taxation, devolution of power from government to local authorities, and control and coordination of local government agencies. This may take time.

Meanwhile, like the voters in the municipalities, we are all hoping that these new elections are held fairly and transparently. The history of the last upazila elections does not bring happy memories.  The firecrackers will herald the end of the year only if we can present a fair election.

The writer is a political analyst and commentator.