Return of Aam Aadmi

THE astounding victory of Aam Aadmi Party in the Delhi Assembly election has again brought to focus the importance of regional parties and their ability to focus on local issues. The usual sadak, bijli paani and corruption issues that AAP has successfully focused since its inception as a party did make a difference. The negative publicity that was given to his 49 days tenure as the chief minister of Delhi -- "running away" from responsibility by resigning from the chief minister's post -- was converted into a firm promise of "paanchsaal, Kejriwal" and urged the voters to give AAP absolute majority for it to deliver on promises. This election from the very beginning was a contest between BJP and AAP. 

BJP, in a bid to wrest the slogan of clean government from AAP, fielded Kiran Bedi as its chief ministerial candidate. Like Kejriwal, Kiran Bedi was also part of Anna movement that gave birth to AAP. However, she could not deliver BJP a victory largely due to the dissatisfaction within the party for bringing an outsider who, prior to the announcement of her being the chief ministerial candidate, was not even a member of BJP. Some keen watchers of BJP argue that she was brought in after BJP's internal survey showed that the party may lose the election. 

BJP's mistake was that it saw Delhi as any other state. The capital has the largest middle class, belonging to diverse religions and linguistic groups. The middle class is also keenly watching how some fringe elements are blatantly pursuing their agenda and trying to cash in on growing polarisation. If, Arvind Kejriwal was an 'anarchist' as BJP portrayed; BJP, as an alternative to AAP, did not represent order and harmony. The recent attacks on church and the riots in Trilokpuri in Delhi were fresh in people's mind. People in general and the middle class in particular would like stability which will boost economic growth and provide security. This sentiment was reflected in the Parliamentary election when Congress was voted out of power, and the same sentiments are now displayed again. 

It needs to be underlined that the large support for AAP came from the youth, lower middle class and the poor who saw Kejriwal as one of them and who could deliver on their minimal need of clean drinking water and electricity. Delhi had 1.12 lakhs first time voters, and of the total electorate young voters constitute 1.31%. AAP was able to mobile the youth and many volunteered themselves as political workers for the party and campaigned in the colleges and universities. The amazing tally of 67 seats compared to 28 in 2013 speaks of the volunteers who infused enthusiasm into a politically apathetic population with a surge in the turnout rate of 67 compared to 65 in 2013. BJP was routed in this election. The party which had 32 seats in 2013 was reduced to a poor 3 seats, with Kiran Bedi losing the election, and the Congress could not get even one seat -- a pathetic performance by a national party. It is also apparent that supporters of both BJP and Congress overwhelmingly voted for the AAP. It also caught the imagination of Muslims in Delhi, who voted for the party unlike last time when a majority of them had voted for BJP. AAP had made it clear that it would not appeal to the voters on communal lines and had rejected Shahi Imam's fatwa to the Muslims to vote for the AAP. The left political parties and the Trinamool Congress who do not have any significant political presence in Delhi also appealed to the voters to vote for the AAP.

AAP wants to evolve as a party with a difference, and will not emulate other national political parties as it promises to start new politics. Though it wanted to capitalise on its brand as an uncorrupt party or party of the common man and contested the national election and won only 4 seats, mainly in Punjab, it is likely to go slow this time around. It needs to prove its mettle in governing Delhi and shed its image of an 'agitating party' which forgets that it is the ruling party. 

The advantage that this party has is its youthful spirit, and is led by people who are younger and have managed to inspire youngsters that ability to change can happen with a belief in self rather than having a massive fund to win election. In a campaign carried by NDTV on 'no VIP' culture all the 70 contestants from the AAP signed a pledge that, if they came to power, they would reject the VIP culture that has become a symbol of political class in the country, whereas such a pledge was around 50% for the BJP and Congress. Perhaps this has popularised Arvind Kejriwal as a people's chief minister.

The AAP victory also suggests that people would prefer regional parties in the state Assembly elections. Regional political parties focus on local issues that confront the people in their day-to-day lives, whereas national political parties have larger national and international agenda. This is reflected in the majority of states where state Assembly elections were held in the past one year; whereas Parliamentary election reflects very different trends. Taking this reality into consideration, Prime Minister Modi, after he assumed power, emphasised that the states would be given larger role in the foreign policy decision making. 

After the results of Delhi Assembly elections started coming out, indicating a victory for the AAP, the prime minister not only congratulated Arvind Kejriwal but also promised to extend him the central government's support. This attests to the maturity of the political class to bury the acrimony during the course of election and connect the local issues with the national. Whereas national parties remain relevant to Indian politics and BJP will remain a preferred national party, the regional parties are here to stay and will remain a major political force in the country's politics. Thus, this election may not reflect the rejection of BJP as a political party but rather as a word of caution to take note of evolving politics.

The writer is a political and security analyst.