The deposed Hasina government's toxic politics, which stigmatised their opponents as 'Islamists' (meaning terrorists and anti-liberation forces) and projected their loyalists as 'Chetonabadis' (pro-liberation forces), ended up dividing the people of Bangladesh into two distinct groups – the 'Islamists' and the 'Chetonabadis', also known, wrongly, as 'Secularists'.

The July/August 2024 uprising, which toppled the decade-and-a-half-long autocratic and kleptocratic government of Hasina, has prompted new initiatives to unite the country through, among other things, an agreed and inclusive definition of Bangladeshi identity.

The Islamists believe that, as a Muslim-majority country (90% of Bangladeshis are Muslims), Bangladesh ought to define its national identity within the parameters of Islamic values, norms, and practices. The hardcore Islamists also prefer to downplay the role and presence of other religious and ethnic imageries in the Bangladeshi national identity.

At the other end of the spectrum are the 'secularists' – not the politicised ones but the secularist theorists. They argue that since Bangladesh is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society, its national identity should be defined and formulated in a secular manner, bereft of religious imagery.

In the context of these two varying perspectives – Islamic and Secularist – on the definition of Bangladeshi identity, it may be helpful to explore and explain, theoretically, the thoughts of both, and to see whether there are any intrinsic differences.

Islamic Perspective – A Scriptural/Historical Perspective

In terms of inter-religious relationships, Islam provides two guiding parameters:

(i) firstly, "Lakum deenukum wa liya deen", meaning 'your religion is to you, mine is to me'; and

(ii) secondly, the principle of Insaaf in governance, meaning justice or equal and fair treatment of all people.

While the first tenet emphasises peaceful co-existence among all faiths, Islam's second tenet, Insaaf, implies that, irrespective of differences in caste, colour, creed, and faith, societies must be governed through the principle of justice. For example, during the reign of Islam's second Caliph, Hazrat Omar (RA), his military commanders spread out and conquered territory after territory inhabited by non-Muslims. These victorious commanders did not know how to rule these newly conquered non-Muslim territories and thus sought guidance from the Caliph, asking whether they should rule the non-believers through the tenets of Sharia, which the inhabitants were not familiar with, or whether they should convert them, or if there was another way. The Second Caliph responded by saying, "Govern them with Insaaf (justness)."

Secularists – A Theoretical Perspective

Former Delhi University Professor of History, Romila Thapar, stated that secularism pertains to "the functioning of the universe and human society without involving divine intervention", and that "…secular does not deny religion, but at the same time does not give it primacy in the functioning of society."

In other words, secularism means governing without reference to any divine scriptures. Secularism by no means entails hating or demonising religion.

In the contexts above – namely the Islamist and secularist perspectives on the citizen/government relationship and the aspired definition of a human being – while Islam advocates for justice and inclusion as core values and central to human identity, secularism precludes engagement with religious scriptures in governance but not the practice of religion at the individual level. Secularism, by no means, is a tool of political othering, religious or otherwise.

The Bangladeshi Identity

At the country's inception in 1972, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared that the people of Bangladesh would be known as "Bangalee". This was a misdirected idea for two reasons – firstly, people of West Bengal, a province of India, are also known as Bengalees and therefore, calling Bangladeshis "Bangalee" would not only have confused people but would have undermined the sovereign political status of the Bangladeshis. Besides, given that Bangladesh is a multi-ethnic society, calling its entire population Bangalee was exclusionary, if not racist.

In 1978, the late President Ziaur Rahman invoked "Bangladeshi Nationalism" as Bangladesh's national identity, an imagery that emphasised Bangladesh's dominant Islamic identity as the country's national identity. Zia's idea of "Bangladeshi Nationalism" was enthusiastically greeted by many, who believed that it encapsulated the true Bangladeshi nationhood well. However, Zia's notion of "Bangladeshi Nationalism", with its Islamic tilt, discouraged minorities who felt that the idea marginalised them.

Thus, the quest for an agreed Bangladeshi national identity continues.

The search for, and formulation of, an acceptable definition of Bangladeshi national identity must consider Bangladesh's multi-religious and multi-ethnic existence – a country that has had the rare fortune of embracing and engaging with multiple religions and cultures such as Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, as well as Indigenous cultures and heritages. Then, with Islam being the religion of 90% of the people of Bangladesh, its symbiotic influence in shaping Bangladesh's overall norms and behaviour cannot be underestimated.

In other words, the definition of a Bangladeshi national identity must include the country's total, and not selective, history so that the identity instils in people a sense of belonging that bonds those with differences and, in the process, helps Bangladesh to evolve into a nation from a country and gain permanency.

M. Adil Khan is a Bangladeshi-born Australian, an academic, and former senior policy manager of the United Nations.