The distinct experience of being a woman MP in Bangladesh

In our upcoming parliamentary election on December 30, 2018 more women MP aspirants have shown an interest to take on a legislative role than ever before (more than 50 from each alliance). How can we explain this change? Could it be that the political parties want to increase women MPs to comply with international conventions in order to maintain gender equality? Why do the MPs want to contest, and what will be the effects? What does it mean for representation of the constituents?

Studies suggest that significant representation of women (around 20 percent of all Members of Parliament) in Bangladesh National Parliament is ineffective. Their powers have been constrained by being appointed rather than being elected in many cases. There is a difference between appointed and elected women MPs. Currently, women are representing Parliament both through direct election and reserved seats (with 22 elected and 50 reserved seats). The number of reserved seats in Parliament was increased from 45 to 50 through the 15th Amendment to the Constitution, which are distributed proportionately among the sitting political parties in the Parliament.

For selected women MPs, the tendency to get involved in public engagement in constituency service appears to be relatively stronger compared to many male MPs. Some women MPs I interviewed are constituency-based and live in their own residences with four of them seldom staying in their parliament dormitories in Dhaka. Women MPs are seen as less independent because they are appointed by the party and are not elected. As one woman MP said, "There is an aura of neglect. No matter how much progress has been made in empowering women, problems still linger. Furthermore, in the places where we, the women, cannot be ignored, they pay us respect only out of courtesy or obligation—not out of reverence."

Since 2005, it became evident that some women MPs in the parliament invariably want to pursue more women's rights based strategies. But the attitudes of most male MPs (no matter whether they belong to the same party or not) have prevented them from promoting women's interests, they reported, despite both main party leaders being women.

When one woman MP was asked about her opinion on bills on women's issues, she said, "Regardless of my proficiency and eligibility, I do not get to determine my own career path. Last year, I wanted to move away from my party to the district level, the mainstream. I was not allowed to do so and was asked to ponder upon the fate of women's wing if I had left."

"So, you are not being permitted to go to the district level?"

"No. If they had, they would have had to make me a joint secretary or give me a higher designation—and they acknowledge this themselves. In the history of sovereign Bangladesh, no woman had been elected as MP in this district before me."

Having observed male and female MPs in several constituencies since 2005, it seemed to me that they handle their representative role differently too. Nearly every female MP believed that they work for the constituents, especially as constituencies become increasingly demanding. Some female MPs always appeared more confident, especially in intensely emotional conversations with female constituents. Familiar too was the pattern of women MPs investing proportionately more time than men in everyday happenings that are less visible, valued and rewarded in terms of money or power. So there is a social and political significance in the gendered experienced of being an MP.

The majority of women MPs did not take a liking to the word "reserved". As one woman MP told me, "In my opinion, we should become MPs through election. It can be best solved by giving women a seat in every upazila and limiting them to one in every district. Whatever they do, I would rather not be labelled as a 'reserved woman MP'."

In response to a question about whether the circumstances are the same in terms of budget allocations as well, the answer of women MPs was straightforward. One woman MP replied, "Yes. They (male MPs) are given twice the amount for a single upazila, whereas we are given merely half, for two districts." The quote does not indicate that women are being given less to spend. Rather, this is direct discrimination as the different allocations are for elected versus selected MPs which affects women in a negative way.

At the constituency level, a female political leader with formidable political expertise and qualifications does not enjoy the same status as her male colleagues. Two such female MPs have informed me that though they have been involved in politics for a long time, they are not entrusted with esteemed designations and/or responsibilities because they are women. As one of them narrates, "As a woman MP, the major constraint I face is working in a patriarchal environment. We are treated in terms of patriarchal values—as 'reserved' or 'regular' MPs. We are 'inferior' to men. But we are elected too."

The representative part of this is that women MPs have less influence on constructional activities. It is essential to ask men and women MPs about how their experiences were gendered. I observed that women were sympathetic to women's issues at the constitutional level. Another important example is that a fair amount of legislation on women's issues has gone through the Parliament, which reflects a change in attitude towards women in society. But alongside these changes in law, we saw that various male parliamentarians were reluctant to push these forward.

Very recently, I was collaborating with a multidisciplinary research coalition looking at the relationship between Parliamentarians and civil society in Ethiopia and Bangladesh. Male/female MPs were asked to provide their opinions. In both countries, I found contrasting stories by women MPs about their relationships with male MPs in Parliament. In Addis Ababa, my colleagues observed that the MPs mentioned the strengths of their party and government and their successful efforts at promoting gender equality. According to them, when the male MPs left, the conversation changed abruptly.

In the case of Bangladesh however, one of the MPs, when asked what it was like being a woman MP, said: "When a woman gets up to speak in the Parliament she is always hesitant, representing 'reserved seats', whereas a 'regular' male MP never has to worry." In both countries this encounter conveys the message that women MPs struggle with "self-dignity" but are under pressure to appear "invulnerable".

When the situation is favourable, women MPs express public engagement. One MP in Bangladesh said, "I am involved in development programmes such as improvement of schools and colleges, constructing and repairing roads, Kabikha (food in return for labour) programmes, and so on. I am always working on eradicating the dowry system, preventing drug addiction, and especially preventing the persecution of women. Although I had been working on these issues even before I was elected, the breadth of my involvement now has broadened significantly."

In Bangladesh, a number of women MPs were credited with strong advocacy work to prevent early marriage as well as their vigorous efforts to build the capacity of female members of parliament through further education. Then there is the hard work the caucus put into including parliamentary standing committees. In contrast, it is hard to find women MPs who actively participate in budget debates to ensure that gender is mainstreamed in key pro-poor and growth sectors. This is a neglected issue that needs to be addressed moving forward.

But here is a fundamental cautionary note. It is good news that the number of women MP aspirants is increasing. It is of course important, but the patriarchal ideology which has brought women's emancipation down to the level of Parliament must be challenged. Some opine that such discriminations plague developmental activities as well. Since women occupy the reserved seats in Parliament, their status is "inferior" to their colleagues despite being elected by the same Parliament members who discriminate against them.

With the 11th parliamentary election nearing, our political parties should develop a perspective that takes into account the social and political significance of the gendered experienced of being an MP in Bangladesh.

Dr Zahir Ahmed is Professor, Department of Anthropology, Jahangirnagar University and adjunct faculty, BIGD, BRAC University. He has been conducting research on parliaments (Westminster, Bangladesh Parliament, and Ethiopia Parliament) and constituencies in collaboration with SOAS, University of London since 2012.

Email: zahmed69@hotmail.com