Let's begin by revisiting the timeless concept of "protest" in political science. Throughout history, small, loosely connected groups united by a common cause have sparked remarkable and transformative change, political or otherwise. This is a powerful reminder that no display of excessive power goes unnoticed in the annals of history, and no death goes unpunished.

Take the example of 1952. It sowed the seeds of independence and the great Liberation War of 1971. Civil rights movement in the US, the European colour revolutions, the Arab Spring, or perhaps the Indian independence movement—all thrived on the bonding of powerless groups of people against the powerful.

While protests are formed by the powerless banding together, it is common for a wide range of entities—each presenting diverse motivations and grievances—to join them. This diversity underscores the complexity and depth of social issues and individual as well as collective aspirations that fuel protests. That is exactly what is happening in Bangladesh under the quota reform movement 2.0.

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Accountability must be ensured

The vibrant and energetic young protesters are in their teens and twenties, most of them first-time voters. While electoral politics is not at all a feature of this movement, some have blatantly tried to give it a political spin. As an organic reaction, I am sure many fringe elements have tried to blend in with the movement. Still, their participation does not invalidate the core cause of the general students under any circumstances. Hence, motivations could be different, but the grievances of different sections perhaps coincide.

The students exposed the overall social mistrust and grievances towards political enterprises. One needs to dig deeper beyond our comfortable political narratives.

A protester told me, "The recent protests by auto-rickshaw drivers in May 2024 got the government's prompt and compassionate response. And look at us; aren't we supposed to run the country in the coming years? You think they value merit?"

Another promptly added, "Did we ask for political change? We asked for policy changes and reforms. Can you ask the government who appoints these university administrators or Public Service Commission officials? Our parents and their hard work pay for these universities to run, and all the development work the government brags about."

Nonetheless, the students' awakening was unsurprising for those with some political sensibility left.

The grievances were all clearly written on the walls, as my Dhaka-based journalist friend Shafiqul Alam said, "Those anti-quota protests are bigger than the Nur-led successful protests in 2018." He added that this time protestors have achieved a far greater goal: a major moral reckoning among millions of apolitical young people. With jobs staggering, graft and connections deciding one's place in society, the cost of migration to the West getting pricier, and the economy in the doldrums, this new generation will decide the fate of our of democracy in the next few years.

This leaves us with three painful but critical paths forward.

First, the distribution of quotas must be reformed, which I guess will be done soon through the apex court, as the law minister declared, followed by judicial inquiries to bring justice to the fallen lives. The sooner, the better.

Second, a genuine commitment to reforming the education sector and national integrity institutions must be visible. University recruitment and admission processes must undergo massive reform and become rigorous. The unholy nexus between student politics, vested interests and political patronage must be eliminated. Awami League was often advised to tame its student wing. Its ineptness in doing so compelled the general students to take a stand this time.

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Continued student deaths put the focus back on road safety

At the same time, I can relate to AL's comfortably slow reaction to teachers' pension-related movements because many of the teachers are in good term with the ruling party. And the teachers, in general, lack the ability to take to the street to protest. If a meaningful outcome of the teachers' protest is expected and reforms are to be meaningful, the so-called leaders among the teachers should control their appetite for undue benefits and change their political subservience.

If the government is willing to see stability, all these efforts should be accompanied by political sanity. Denial, false narratives or digital crackdowns cannot be the go-to tactics in politics in the coming years. Let's not forget, the blame game and exploitation of the Liberation War narrative by anyone haven't worked over the past few weeks.

Finally, the students should be given due honour and dignity. Humiliating them will not bring any good and denying them their rights today or tomorrow will not strengthen the nation. They deserve a better academic framework to develop as good human resources.

I must remind you that our students are also a part of a global transformation, in which the number of protests each year has tripled between 2006 and 2024. The transformation shows that the political attitude of "we know everything," inequality, inflation, nationalism, conflictive social relations, and sycophancy can lead to more turmoil in the future.

If the abovementioned issues remain unaddressed, things can go very wrong in the coming months. Mark this as an early admonition from a public university faculty member.

Let there be sanity.

Shahab Enam Khan is professor of international relations at Jahangirnagar University.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

This article was published in print on July ­21, 2024. Owing to the internet shutdown from the evening of July 18 to July 23, it was uploaded online on July 24, 2024.

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