Reviving SAARC can help South Asia overcome its current crisis
To promote intra-regional cooperation and accelerate the economic and social development of its member countries, former Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman first introduced the idea of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) by sending letters to the other governments in 1980. The first summit meeting of the heads of South Asian governments was held in Dhaka, on December 7-8, 1985, where the creation of SAARC was formally declared. Among its member-states, the regional entity aimed to foster mutual understanding and trust. But unfortunately, SAARC's progress has frequently been impeded by protracted regional tensions.
It has been 10 years since SAARC held its last summit in Kathmandu, Nepal. Many policy experts have long considered SAARC to be ineffective and irrelevant. Despite the abundance of favourable conditions and opportunities for regional collaboration, South Asia as a whole is unable to fully take advantage of them.
The conflict between India and Pakistan, along with India's bullish attitude in the region, stands out among the many reasons contributing to SAARC's slow progress. According to experts, India is viewed with scepticism by its neighbours despite being the most powerful and populous country in South Asia.
Discussions among experts reveal that India is well-positioned to assume a more significant role in maintaining regional integrity and spearheading collaboration among South and Central Asian nations, owing to its unwavering commitment to promoting multipolarity and its captivating cultural influence. However, some also believe that India is now serving as the primary obstacle to regional cooperation in South Asia, rather than being its driving force.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel. The main reason for the geopolitical conflicts in the region is that India's vision and support of regional governments are rooted in a supremacist mindset by the country's current ruling party. That mindset is fundamentally incompatible with signalling equitable cooperation towards its smaller neighbours. And it has all but paralysed SAARC, undermining both regional collaboration and South Asia's visibility in international fora.
Unfortunately, the SAARC countries have a severe lack of economic complementarity; instead, they are highly competitive markets where each country exports goods that are largely comparable, such as cotton, jute, spices, and so forth. Additionally, there is less intra-regional trade in the area, which hinders the subcontinent's ability to combine economically. The entire concept of SAARC is a shared market, just like that of the EU, but unlike the European nations, South Asian nations have not been able to move towards establishing proactive cooperation between member states, such as the free movement of citizens across member-states in the region or market integration.
At this particularly critical time for South Asia—as nations have either seen governments toppled or persisting economic turmoil—SAARC should be empowered again, so that its benefits can play a role in resolving all of the integrating difficulties, such as availability, people-to-people contact, and efficient commerce in the area. Open borders or constant availability throughout the entire territory are, in fact, necessary. It comprises everything, from telecommunications to railroads to highways to maritime infrastructure. Cross-border cooperation is unavoidable if reducing conflicts, combating the threat of terrorism, and promoting seamless communication are the goals of South Asian leaders, as suggested by the region's close proximity.
Despite some disappointments, the interim government of Bangladesh, led by Nobel laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus, still sees potential in SAARC for promoting regional integration. Bangladesh values SAARC and desires its flourishing as a regional organisation. The country is committed to upholding the goals and tenets of the SAARC charter and believes that SAARC must continue to operate. The strong will of South Asian countries will largely determine if SAARC can be revived, and Bangladesh's foreign affairs adviser deserves praise for his forward-thinking approach in expressing Bangladesh's eagerness to revive SAARC.
Given the regional dynamics, South Asian countries would benefit from functionalism, which would include delaying resolution of contentious issues in order to fortify SAARC cooperation. India should enter the region with an open mind, and play a significant role in fostering unfettered growth among its neighbouring countries.
In spite of its many shortcomings, SAARC has not been entirely inert. Of course, it has not served its purpose, but that does not mean it still cannot. It is therefore crucial to guarantee that any advancement or improvement within SAARC does not impede the strategic activities conducted in the region. As a result, much work still has to be done. Nevertheless, if conversations move forward in a logical and useful way, they might turn into possibilities. Notwithstanding the hostility between India and Pakistan, disagreements between any two members shouldn't prevent other members in other SAARC sub-regions from working together more effectively.
Regional cooperation makes sense from a geographic, social, economic, cultural, and political standpoint, as seen in the EU and ASEAN, and during SAARC's functional period, such as when it launched the South Asian Free Trade Area in 2006. Increasing the frequency of gatherings to engage and collaborate, while leaving past failures behind, will benefit the entire South Asian region.
South Asia is at a critical juncture, with tensions between key players continuing to persist, while the economies of other countries are in dire straits. Hostility is unproductive; reviving SAARC through mutual cooperation can at least restore hope for the region. The interim government of Bangladesh must initiate efforts to bring together the SAARC platform, evolving it to contribute to the region's progress, peace, and stability.
Dr Mohammad Tarikul Islam is professor at the Department of Government and Politics in Jahangirnagar University. He has been a visiting scholar and guest faculty at Oxford, Cambridge and Harvard universities.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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