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A moment of truth for BNP

The party’s reform agenda will achieve sustainability if it is accompanied by its internal democracy and promotes a culture of collective decision-making
A moment of truth for BNP
VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

In an otherwise high-profile meeting attended by diplomats from 38 countries and organisations, senior leaders from various political parties, teachers, journalists, intellectuals, and prominent citizens, held in Dhaka on November 14, BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman declared that, if elected to power, his party would not establish a family dynasty like the Awami League. Speaking virtually from London, Rahman pledged to build a prosperous and happy nation based on the 31-point agenda his party had unveiled in July 2023. He also committed to implementing a policy that would prevent any individual from serving as the prime minister of the country for more than two consecutive terms.

In the brain-storming session titled "BNP's 31-Point Outline to Reform the State Structure," 56-year-old Rahman said no individual, including the prime minister, can abuse power or act arbitrarily in the future Bangladesh. "Accountability will be ensured at every level of government, from the highest ranks of the state down to every government tier. If BNP takes charge of governing (the country), we aim to restore freedom of expression for all citizens, regardless of party affiliation," he said.

"Our goal is to build a state structure where no one will be harassed for expressing their thoughts on platforms like YouTube, Facebook, or other online mediums, even when commenting on the prime minister or other prominent figures. The mainstream and social media will not be compelled to conceal the truth, nor will the government pressure anyone to spread false information."

The promises are both welcome and reassuring against the backdrop of the fall of the autocratic Hasina government, brought down by a mass uprising reflecting the public's aspiration to reform the structure of Bangladesh's state and society.

With the Awami League—the immediate past ruling party and the BNP's chief rival—being forced to retreat from the political process, at least for the time being, after party chief Sheikh Hasina fled to India, the responsibility now rests on the BNP and its acting chairman, Tarique Rahman, as the major political force to lead the reforms demanded by both the youth and the broader public for an inclusive and democratic Bangladesh. Given the fact that the previous ruling party displayed traits of a fascist regime, the BNP leadership's pledge that no future head of government will abuse power or act arbitrarily must also be reflected within the party itself. Without genuine internal reform, such declarations risk being dismissed as mere rhetoric. As the saying goes, charity begins at home.

Notably, the powers and authority granted to the party chairman, as outlined in the BNP constitution available on its website, should be consistent with the state reform proposals the party advocates. Organisational culture flows from the top down, and for the BNP's reform agenda to gain sustainability, it must simultaneously demonstrate a commitment to internal accountability and inclusivity.

Having examined BNP's constitution, it is evident that the party chief wields near-absolute authority, calling all the shots, attracting all the spotlight, and essentially doing or undoing anything he or she wishes. For instance, the 19-member standing committee, the party's most powerful policymaking body, has the authority to revoke or temporarily suspend membership or take punitive measures against anyone charged with misconduct, breaching discipline, or engaging in anti-party activities. However, if convening a meeting of the standing committee is not possible, the party chairperson, at his or her discretion, may take immediate punitive action against any member deemed punishable in urgent circumstances or withdraw any previously imposed punitive measure. Nonetheless, such decisions must be ratified at the next meeting of the body.

The party chief emerges as the ultimate authority in disciplinary matters. The constitution explicitly states, "The aggrieved person may appeal to the Chairman against the penalty, but the decision of the Chairman will be considered final."

Moreover, according to the party charter, all metropolitan and district executive committees require approval from the secretary-general, who acts on the chairperson's advice. This provision starkly undermines internal democracy within the BNP.

The BNP chairperson is entrusted with immense power, enabling the leader to make key decisions and both enforce and reverse actions at will. For example, the party constitution grants the chairperson the authority to dissolve the 470-member national executive committee, the national standing committee, thematic sub-committees, and other committees. The chairperson may reconstitute these bodies, provided the decision is ratified by the next council.

Additionally, the party chief is empowered to fill vacancies in the national standing committee, the national executive committee, and thematic sub-committees. The chief may even alter the number of members in the national executive committee in special cases, though the total number of members cannot exceed the limit by more than 10 percent.

The party charter also allows for the creation of one or more organisational bodies within the BNP. However, no organisation is recognised as an affiliate of the BNP without the chairperson's approval.

Even amendments to the party constitution can bypass the national council under certain conditions. The charter states, "If any amendment becomes necessary due to urgent reasons, then the Chairman of the Party may amend the constitution, but the said amendment must be accepted by a majority at the next meeting of the National Council."

Given such provisions, it is imperative for the BNP to prioritise internal democracy and foster a culture of collective decision-making.

At the high-profile meeting on November 14, one speaker cautioned that if the state reform promises were not fulfilled, the BNP would be labelled by the public as a failure.

It is, however, reassuring that the BNP is not only discussing reforms now, but has been proposing state structure reforms since 2016. This consistent advocacy raises hope that the BNP is serious about implementing these proposals.

The BNP should remember that Bangladesh is on the verge of transitioning from authoritarian rule to a path of democracy, achieved through the sacrifices and blood of hundreds of people. This transformation is rooted in the sacrifices of the students and people during the July uprising, as well as the BNP's prolonged struggle enduring imprisonment and oppression. BNP leaders and activists have also faced extrajudicial killings and thousands of lawsuits. Certainly, no one made these sacrifices for yet another authoritarian and undemocratic regime.


Shamim A. Zahedy is a journalist. He can be reached at szahedy@yahoo.com.


Views expressed in this article are the author's own.


Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.


 

Comments

A moment of truth for BNP

The party’s reform agenda will achieve sustainability if it is accompanied by its internal democracy and promotes a culture of collective decision-making
A moment of truth for BNP
VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

In an otherwise high-profile meeting attended by diplomats from 38 countries and organisations, senior leaders from various political parties, teachers, journalists, intellectuals, and prominent citizens, held in Dhaka on November 14, BNP's Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman declared that, if elected to power, his party would not establish a family dynasty like the Awami League. Speaking virtually from London, Rahman pledged to build a prosperous and happy nation based on the 31-point agenda his party had unveiled in July 2023. He also committed to implementing a policy that would prevent any individual from serving as the prime minister of the country for more than two consecutive terms.

In the brain-storming session titled "BNP's 31-Point Outline to Reform the State Structure," 56-year-old Rahman said no individual, including the prime minister, can abuse power or act arbitrarily in the future Bangladesh. "Accountability will be ensured at every level of government, from the highest ranks of the state down to every government tier. If BNP takes charge of governing (the country), we aim to restore freedom of expression for all citizens, regardless of party affiliation," he said.

"Our goal is to build a state structure where no one will be harassed for expressing their thoughts on platforms like YouTube, Facebook, or other online mediums, even when commenting on the prime minister or other prominent figures. The mainstream and social media will not be compelled to conceal the truth, nor will the government pressure anyone to spread false information."

The promises are both welcome and reassuring against the backdrop of the fall of the autocratic Hasina government, brought down by a mass uprising reflecting the public's aspiration to reform the structure of Bangladesh's state and society.

With the Awami League—the immediate past ruling party and the BNP's chief rival—being forced to retreat from the political process, at least for the time being, after party chief Sheikh Hasina fled to India, the responsibility now rests on the BNP and its acting chairman, Tarique Rahman, as the major political force to lead the reforms demanded by both the youth and the broader public for an inclusive and democratic Bangladesh. Given the fact that the previous ruling party displayed traits of a fascist regime, the BNP leadership's pledge that no future head of government will abuse power or act arbitrarily must also be reflected within the party itself. Without genuine internal reform, such declarations risk being dismissed as mere rhetoric. As the saying goes, charity begins at home.

Notably, the powers and authority granted to the party chairman, as outlined in the BNP constitution available on its website, should be consistent with the state reform proposals the party advocates. Organisational culture flows from the top down, and for the BNP's reform agenda to gain sustainability, it must simultaneously demonstrate a commitment to internal accountability and inclusivity.

Having examined BNP's constitution, it is evident that the party chief wields near-absolute authority, calling all the shots, attracting all the spotlight, and essentially doing or undoing anything he or she wishes. For instance, the 19-member standing committee, the party's most powerful policymaking body, has the authority to revoke or temporarily suspend membership or take punitive measures against anyone charged with misconduct, breaching discipline, or engaging in anti-party activities. However, if convening a meeting of the standing committee is not possible, the party chairperson, at his or her discretion, may take immediate punitive action against any member deemed punishable in urgent circumstances or withdraw any previously imposed punitive measure. Nonetheless, such decisions must be ratified at the next meeting of the body.

The party chief emerges as the ultimate authority in disciplinary matters. The constitution explicitly states, "The aggrieved person may appeal to the Chairman against the penalty, but the decision of the Chairman will be considered final."

Moreover, according to the party charter, all metropolitan and district executive committees require approval from the secretary-general, who acts on the chairperson's advice. This provision starkly undermines internal democracy within the BNP.

The BNP chairperson is entrusted with immense power, enabling the leader to make key decisions and both enforce and reverse actions at will. For example, the party constitution grants the chairperson the authority to dissolve the 470-member national executive committee, the national standing committee, thematic sub-committees, and other committees. The chairperson may reconstitute these bodies, provided the decision is ratified by the next council.

Additionally, the party chief is empowered to fill vacancies in the national standing committee, the national executive committee, and thematic sub-committees. The chief may even alter the number of members in the national executive committee in special cases, though the total number of members cannot exceed the limit by more than 10 percent.

The party charter also allows for the creation of one or more organisational bodies within the BNP. However, no organisation is recognised as an affiliate of the BNP without the chairperson's approval.

Even amendments to the party constitution can bypass the national council under certain conditions. The charter states, "If any amendment becomes necessary due to urgent reasons, then the Chairman of the Party may amend the constitution, but the said amendment must be accepted by a majority at the next meeting of the National Council."

Given such provisions, it is imperative for the BNP to prioritise internal democracy and foster a culture of collective decision-making.

At the high-profile meeting on November 14, one speaker cautioned that if the state reform promises were not fulfilled, the BNP would be labelled by the public as a failure.

It is, however, reassuring that the BNP is not only discussing reforms now, but has been proposing state structure reforms since 2016. This consistent advocacy raises hope that the BNP is serious about implementing these proposals.

The BNP should remember that Bangladesh is on the verge of transitioning from authoritarian rule to a path of democracy, achieved through the sacrifices and blood of hundreds of people. This transformation is rooted in the sacrifices of the students and people during the July uprising, as well as the BNP's prolonged struggle enduring imprisonment and oppression. BNP leaders and activists have also faced extrajudicial killings and thousands of lawsuits. Certainly, no one made these sacrifices for yet another authoritarian and undemocratic regime.


Shamim A. Zahedy is a journalist. He can be reached at szahedy@yahoo.com.


Views expressed in this article are the author's own.


Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.


 

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