The worrisome public order

THE cynics in the current hyper-charged socio-political situation would say that "the banality of evil" has come home to us with a strange poignancy. They cannot be blamed, because violence has characterised our national life on a scale so widespread and so unchecked that even the incorrigible optimists are losing hope of orderly and civilised reconciliation of opposing political views. One is perhaps frustrated to ask if we have made life too easy for the rough and the rowdy and the brats and the deviants and too difficult for the law-abiding citizens.

The question is, shall we render ourselves ungovernable under the present constitutional setup? Such premonition arises because although we gave unto ourselves a lofty constitution we do not appear to have the ability to keep it. Are we destined to suffer and endure in patience without the realisation of our potential?

The country is now sharply and dangerously polarised with political adversaries bent upon discrediting each other. The language of reason and moderation is absent while there is hardly any trace of tolerance. This, however, should not come as a surprise as forebodings of a perilous polarisation were there for any keen observer to see. One feels constrained to comment that the country is held hostage to the partisan ambition of some in the political class.

The unfortunate reality in Bangladesh, as of now, is that on almost every aspect of national life, the people are being ominously divided into two hostile groups. The tragedy is that when consensus is the need of the hour, at least on fundamental national issues, the two main political parties are continuously imposing their partisan dogmas on the public and are not hesitating to brand the dissenters as traitors to the national cause. Dissent, according to them, is an unpatriotic act. Such a mental frame is taking us on a suicidal course by obstructing national integrity and promoting confrontationist postures leading to violence.

In late 2001, Bangladeshis had to witness the unfortunate plight of the workers of the defeated political party following the national election. Their miseries had demonstrated the pathetic fugitive existence of hapless workers who, in the absence of their leaders, were forced to live a miserable life. Their misery was further compounded by the filing of politically motivated criminal cases with a view to psychologically and socially crippling the political opponents. As a result, political identity did become a hazard for some individuals and groups and consequently politics turned into a dangerous business. In such a scenario physical annihilation of the opponents often became the dominant objective.

Ironically, in our democratic polity, the state relies largely on the coercive machinery not only for information pertaining to conflict and violence, but also for the analysis and interpretation of violence in terms of its nature, causes and, solutions. The colonially derived significance of such dependency on coercive and regulatory apparatuses need to be studied and understood, in determining state responses to violent movements.

The holding of election with a view to selecting the power-wielders is a common practice in democracy. Unfortunately, in Bangladesh the political parties look upon election as a do-or-die battle. Defeat in the electoral fight has not only meant political loss but has also resulted in incidents of physical insecurity for the leaders and also their supporters. State power and consequent favours and patronage have been uppermost in engaging the attention of potential and actual contenders for political power.

Interestingly, victory in the election has not only ensured the partisan use of state resources it has also unlawfully protected the deviant political workers from criminal and civil liabilities. The state power is required to promote and sustain such patronage.

One would not be naive to believe that political murders or casualties owing to political rivalries are only a recent phenomenon. What, however, should worry all right thinking people is the gory nature of the mischief committed in 2013. The combatants have not rested after brutally beating the opponents to death in broad daylight, but have exhibited incredible bestiality by deliberately putting live human beings on fire.

The heart-rending wails of burn victims have not moved our stony politicians. The tragedy is that while the ordinary folks have died in the violent acts the leaders have remained unscathed, thereby bringing to the fore the selfish contour of our politics.

The continuing politics of confrontation between the two major political parties has been further smeared by the addition of manifest ferocity and subversion of activists of Jamaat-e-Islami. Quite clearly, there has been an ominously distinct shift in the mode of political protest. Whether it is the despotism of an obstinate establishment or the crippling desperation of the opposition that has brought us to the edge, there is no doubt that our supposedly pluralist existence is in real jeopardy.

We now have a situation wherein the main opposition is demanding the bringing of a bill for constitutional amendment. In fact, the government is being asked to negate its own actions, and that too of a very recent past. In all these transactions the people are led to believe that all efforts are being made in the interest of furthering our democratic progression.

In view of the current near stalemate situation over the issue of political arrangement for overseeing the conducting of national election, the question of democratic culture assumes special significance. Democratic culture is required to be practiced by all those who are in politics. The institutions of the state can assist, but cannot resolve political difficulties. The fundamental principles of equity and fairness that are constitutionally enshrined will bear no meaning if the spirit of moderation takes leave of our warring politicians. 

Coming to specifics, we have to know if there are quarters that seek a political statement in acts of straightforward terror. We cannot countenance a situation where all the human rights are reserved for the practitioners of violence, while the government dealing with the menace is arraigned day and night on grounds of violation of human rights. What is needed is to delineate the parameters that harmonise the defense of political and democratic integrity with the respect for human rights.

We need to come out of the tribal mentality in transacting affairs of the state. The political cracks centering conducting of national election carries the risk of degenerating our society. That has to be halted. Our politicians are surely under no promise never to become wiser. Major political parties have to be equally committed to shared principles of constitutionalism. If that does not happen, the situation will be much worse.

The writer is a columnist of The Daily Star.