Echoes of colonialism in Bangladesh
In the dense fog of 1757, on the plains of Plassey, a battle reshaped the destiny of Bengal and the Indian subcontinent. The British East India Company, through a mix of military might and betrayal, wrested control from the Nawab of Bengal. This marked the start of British colonial dominance in India, with East Bengal becoming a jewel in the British crown. Exploited for its wealth and strategic importance, Bengal's story continued into 1971 when the people of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, fought for independence from West Pakistan. This struggle was not just about severing ties with an oppressive regime but reclaiming a suppressed identity. India, with its own colonial scars, played a crucial role in this liberation, but new dynamics began to emerge as the dust settled.
Colonialism in the region did not end with the lowering of the Union Jack in 1947. It's important to note that colonialism, by definition, is the policy or practice of acquiring full or partial political control over another country.
The legacies of British imperialism persisted, with the British dismantling Bengal's traditional industries and redirecting its wealth, leaving behind a fractured society marked by economic disparity, social divisions, and a controlling political system. Throughout recent history, Bengal has been colonised. Whether it is remnants of British imperialism, or the thirst for power, or the threat of regional instability—for one reason or the other—Bangladesh has been subjected to entrenched colonialism and colonialist practices.
Under West Pakistan, and now as Bangladesh grapples with the aftermath of dictatorship and threats of Western and regional imperialism, Bangladesh's sovereignty is repeatedly questioned and disrespected. Today, as Bangladesh navigates a new political landscape following Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's resignation and the appointment of Nobel Laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus as interim head of government, the echoes of colonialism still linger as we experience some semblance of hope.
Over the last 15 years, Sheikh Hasina's government has apparently allied herself with regional powers, aligning herself with the so-called "Emerging World Order." With deepening ties with China, through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), adelicate dilemma with competing interests from China and India in the Teesta project, and with Russia as the primary investor in the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant—Sheikh Hasina seemingly positioned herself as almost an antidote to imperialism.
Meanwhile, with claims of backing Sheikh Hasina to stay in power, India's controversial position has been repeatedly highlighted during the "India out" campaign that launched after the January elections in Bangladesh and is even echoed now.
Since Sheikh Hasina was ousted in a mass democratic uprising against her government's brutal handling of student protests, she has been sheltering in India. A recent report by The Washington Post, revealed that Indian officials had in fact lobbied to their US counterparts to stop putting pressure on Hasina for jailing thousands of rivals and activists before the election in January. Ultimately, the US substantially softened its criticism and "shelved further threats of sanctions," according to the article. However, US officials claimed the decision was calculated, not only borne out of mere lobbying by India, though some did consider the "downside of antagonising India," as the relationship between the two nations deepened in their shared position against China. However, the fact that Bangladesh was a topic of lobbying between the US and India also highlights the downsides of the "balance of power" that Sheikh Hasina sought, which did not serve the people of Bangladesh in the geopolitical sphere.
Western actions in light of recent developments—visas revoked for the former head of government, cautious diplomacy and the EU's postponement of its Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Bangladesh with Hasina, highlighted the continued influence of the West in Bangladesh—reminiscent of colonial powers; and it has raised suspicion among some sections of the public.
But truthfully, much of the sanctions—both Rab and the visa sanctions—and denial of asylum to the ousted prime minister may have been responses to human rights violations. Thousands of diaspora members across the globe have campaigned for justice and showed solidarity with the hundreds of lives that have been lost in the weeks preceding Sheikh Hasina's resignation. With movements such as those for Palestine, conversations around justice are changing. There is greater awareness now, and the gradual shift of power dynamics suggest the era of unchecked imperialism may be ending.
Amidst this, India's position, with repeated propaganda in the media over rising Islamist militancy, painting Bangladesh in a broad stroke and trying to control the narrative—by embracing the Awami League's narrative—on Bangladesh's second revolution has been telling. With the swearing in of the interim government, Bangladesh's powerful neighbour and principal ally of the Awami League—India stands to lose the most, unless there is a quick strategic shift to recognise the new Bangladesh as a people's one. Though conversations have taken place between the chief advisor and India's prime minister, the tense aura over the two nations' relations has not lifted, and whether India will truly commit itself to the people of Bangladesh remains to be seen.
In navigating colonialism, we have to ask ourselves, who is striving for control. India is seen by other countries in the region as a meddling influence; five citizens from Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh issued a letter in the wake of Hasina's ouster, published in The Wire, demanding "that the government of India desist from interfering in our respective polities." India's blatant support for Sheikh Hasina's regime to maintain control over its neighbour's political trajectory, reeks of colonialist strategies. When one looks at the history of British colonialism in the region, it often seems that the oppressed tend themselves to become oppressors.
During Sheikh Hasina's regime, like many others, Dr Yunus also suffered judicial harassment. The US showed significant support for Dr Yunus. In an open letter dated August 27, leaders, including former US President Barack Obama, former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and more than 100 Nobel laureates, said they were deeply concerned by threats to democracy and human rights in Bangladesh specifically citing the case of Nobel laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus.
As a globally respected personality, Dr Yunus is welcomed by many—including the youth—who are seeking change. Yunus's leadership will be crucial in determining whether Bangladesh can navigate this world order, where realpolitik and imperialism persists, and preserve its sovereignty. But as the nation struggles with collective post-traumatic stress, the question that comes to mind is: can Dr Yunus remain steadfast in the face of international pressure and navigate Western imperialism with the same grace as he is doing with our most influential neighbour?
The political landscape in South Asia is fast evolving. Though in turmoil, Bangladesh—due to its size, location and economy—is well positioned to be a key player in this new world order. And how India adapts to the new change, will determine whether it can unlearn its colonial legacies to embrace a future of mutual respect and cooperation. The challenge for Bangladesh's leaders will be to assert sovereignty and resist external control, whether from former allies or new global powers. For now, Bangladesh stands as a reminder that echoes of colonialism, though faint, still resonate in New Delhi.
Shagufe Hossain is a Bangladeshi advocate dedicated to justice, equity, and youth leadership based out of Canada.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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