By now, the story of the "Bangladesh: Don't pluck leaves" graffiti—containing the image of a leafy branch representing different groups (Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, and Indigenous/Adibashi)—being removed from a textbook has become stale. On January 12, a group named Students for Sovereignty protested its inclusion in the Class 9-10 Bangla Grammar and Composition textbook, arguing that using the term "Indigenous" was unconstitutional. The National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) responded by replacing the plurality tree in the online version of the book with a new slogan that celebrates heroism. The group whose "leaf" was plucked rallied to demand the reinstatement of the graffiti. Members of Students for Sovereignty, clad in national flag bandanas, swooped on them while police remained vigilant in dispersing them. We all read the news of protesters from "ethnic minority" groups being sized up. Journalists have moved on to cover other issues. The minority groups have bled at the hands of the majority to prove they are indeed the minority.

The factual words of reports often fail to capture the inward, private world of the "minority." This is where poets (and, by extension, intellectuals) come in—the ones who react to news, mediate it in invented words, and imagine it in scenarios that can be reimagined and reinterpreted by readers. Poetry, as Ezra Pound would have it, is news that stays news. Poets, then, are the conscientious voices of their time. A note of disclaimer, though: not all poets code and decode news; some simply express their inner thoughts in lyrics.

When we sing of the glory of boxer Sura Krishna Chakma lifting international trophies for his country, of booters Anai and Anuching Mogini, Monika Chakma, Ritu Porna Chakma, and Rupna Chakma wrapping themselves in national flags, we become lyrical poets or factual reporters. Our songs celebrate the tree with all its leaves in green and flowers in red. But such news does not stay news, and such songs do not remain lyrical when we allow one of our groups to bleed. The blood of our minority brothers and sisters bore no race. It displayed the same hue that permeates the veins of all humans. It demonstrated a passion that compelled some of these activists, who are also students, to take part in the July uprising. What distinguishes one group from another is a sociopolitical and cultural construct—a historical strategy. Does history always tell the story of the victor?

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Recent police actions need explaining

Soon after the previous regime fell on August 5, 2024, a short video circulated of a student leader slapping a young bus conductor for demanding the full fare. The conductor held his cheek in pain and utter disbelief. He kept mumbling, "Brother, I was with you in your fight, too. I was there." The division bell rings.

No amount of plucking leaves will bring the equality, social justice, and democracy that the present government seeks to attain. A government committed to operating within the global human rights framework to bring the perpetrators of July violence to justice cannot be selective in its orientation. The argument that the constitution denies ethnic minority groups their Indigenous rights serves as a prime example.

The people—ethnic minority or not—are still people, with rights guaranteed by Article 27 of the constitution, which states that all citizens are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection of the law. The following clauses further outlaw discrimination on the grounds of race, religion, and place of birth, and provide scope for affirmative action (positive discrimination) in favour of disadvantaged citizens (Articles 28, 29).

With the surgery currently being done on a comatose constitution, this is actually the right time to address one of the sources of toxicity in our sociopolitical and cultural body. We can finally resolve the disputed status of the "Indigenous" or "small ethnic minority groups". There are about 54 Indigenous peoples in the country, who speak at least 35 different languages. A significant number of them live in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), while the rest are scattered across different regions. Together, they constitute less than two percent of our population. Bangladesh has yet to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, denying them the "Indigenous" status that they have long been demanding. The 1997 CHT Peace Accord between Indigenous peoples and the government made some progress in giving some sort of autonomy to these people. However, little progress has been made in the 27 years since the accord was signed.

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The new Bangladesh must be inclusive

For those interested in understanding the nuances and complexities of these terms, the article by mountaineer and social activist Wasfia Nazreen brilliantly sums up the issue. Without repeating what has already been said, let me focus on the recent news to remind our policy framers of the momentous opportunity to attain a solution to this problem. The path of linear nation-building and majoritarian state formation will keep the issue dormant for future explosion. The recommendation to shift from a Bangalee-centred nation-state to a Bangladeshi identity has opened up new possibilities.

Let's also try to understand who benefits from alienating the margins from the centre. With insurgent groups operating within and outside our territory, shouldn't we be more prudent in dealing with a group that has had years of resentment towards the groups invading their land and culture? We can all argue who was here first by invoking the earliest migration theory. The Caucasians in the US claimed that the Native Americans crossed the Bering Straits to enter the continent. That makes the Indigenous groups nothing but the earliest migrants. People usually use the same logic to identify those who have been living in a land for long, preserving their distinct cultural markers. There is also a restrictive law about purchasing land that is often cited as a discriminatory privilege that these groups have.

The time has come to move past this exclusionary politics. The beating of the minority groups is a regressive policy. Caving to the protests of some students could cause significant damage to our national fabric. The desire for instant gratification may have long-term consequences that can unsettle not only our nation but also our borders. With equality, social justice, and democracy as the guiding principles of the new government, it is time to reflect on the inner world—and create news that stays news.

Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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