Blowin’ in the Wind
Opinion

The triumphs and challenges of a generation in flux

challenges of the current generation
Members of Students against Discrimination movement collect money and relief items to help flood-affected communities, at Dhaka University on August 23, 2024. PHOTO: PALASH KHAN

The timing of the flood couldn't have been worse. The country is yet to recover from the political storm that has created an administrative vacuum both at the centre and in the periphery. The students are once again at the forefront by reaching out to the victims of the flood that has inundated the country's eastern region.

The creativity and passion with which they are collecting funds, identifying essential items, creating support networks, and undertaking rescue missions are remarkable. This is another example of our youth rising to the occasion. Social media displays their activism, allowing us to hear their humanitarian voices and connect with their peers. However, we must avoid any undue and oversimplistic expectation that this generation alone will change everything overnight. Such expectations will place huge pressure on this generation that is still coming of age. And they may not have yet developed a thorough idea of the complex and intricate nature of the problems that they are dealing with. I believe that in order for us to move forward as a country with all of its desired reforms, we need to have a reality check and emphasise intergenerational dynamics.

The young generation's rise to prominence in politics is both phenomenal and accidental. What began as a movement among some public university graduates seeking systemic changes for equal job opportunities transformed into a singular demand: regime change. The tide has turned. The autocratic regime is toppled. A new challenge has now emerged: filling the power vacuum.

We have thrust many of our students into leadership roles. Thankfully, an interim government comprising experienced civil society and public service members assists them in understanding the institutional knowledge and the intricacies of the governance machinery. But due to the movement's spontaneity and sporadic nature, there is no clearly defined leadership. The coordination team represents the movement, but many volunteers and local enthusiasts are operating in uncharted areas. This inexperience, combined with their youthful idealism, is likely to cause missteps.

The recent cancellation of HSC exams will be a classic example. A group of students stormed the Secretariat and demanded immediate annulment of the public examination. An adviser attempted to reason with the students, but to no effect. Their threats of violence compelled the government to concede to a proposal to prepare results based on the examinations that they have appeared in so far. With the memory of the quota reform movement still vivid, the government probably did not want to risk exacerbating the situation. The caution is understandable, but it will lead to further complications. Not surprisingly, another group of students have contradicted the demand of their peers, as they feel that the compromised results based on partial exams will jeopardise their future in competitive exams, higher studies, and selection of majors. Mobocracy drowned out their response.

This incident exemplifies a troubling aspect where group interests precede institutional ones. This is also seen in the series of news reports that state how institutional heads are being asked to resign from their posts. Those who faced the call to step down ostensibly remained silent or ambivalent during the movement. These individuals are found guilty of complicity in the crimes of the previous regime. There could be many invisible local factors or hidden agendas. It is possible that different dormant regimes will return. Indeed, we need a culture of accountability. But we also need to refrain from rash judgements that can destabilise many of our already fragile institutions. At the same time, we need to be careful about less noble intentions that may take advantage of a power vacuum. As Greta Thunberg, one of the most prominent Gen Z climate activists, has emphasised, real change requires action from those in power, not just from passionate young people.

There is also a risk of elevating the leaders through excessive praise. We should use constructive criticism as a stimulus for meaningful change. The nation does not require further reminders about the negative effects of hero worship and the formation of cults. Generation Z, like any generation, is not a homogenous entity. Many of them are deeply committed to political change, but they vary in their scope and conviction. Leaders of the movement, when elevated to positions of power, may not accurately reflect the diverse views and concerns of all their peers representing different social strata. Already, we have seen madrasa students complaining that their cleaning or street monitoring activities did not get equal media attention. Private university students assert that their sacrifices received insufficient recognition. This disconnect could lead to fractures within the movement as different factions vie for influence and control. The HSC fiasco is a case in point.

The use of technology, particularly social media, plays a crucial role in the rise of Gen Z activism. It allowed activists to connect with one another, share information rapidly, and mobilise support on a global scale. However, the rapid pace of online activism can result in superficial engagement, reducing complex issues to mere hashtags and soundbites. Some groups could intensify their activism to become more radical. For instance, a group of female students went to Shahbag Police Station insisting on forcing an alleged perpetrator of sexual assault into writing a confessional statement, snatching him away from the uniformed forces. Support for a patient army officer and a radical female voice divides the internet.

A prerequisite of nation-building is continuity and stability. Gen Z has been the catalyst for change. However, a single generation cannot bring about changes. We must not overlook the contributions and experiences of previous generations. We need intergenerational collaboration, not generational rivalry, to address the multifaceted crises facing us. For instance, as a flood-prone country, we developed a disaster management model. Although we should have immediately deployed professional forces to deal with the flood aftermath, the focus appears to be more on crowdsourcing and their viral visibility.

While we are thankful to Generation Z for the ultimate sacrifice they made to bring down an autocratic regime and force far-reaching reforms, we need to bridge the intergenerational divide. We need a reality check. The future depends on whether we can channel their energy and idealism into sustainable, long-term change, highlighting each generation's role. We need to build a bridge over the troubled waters.


Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.


Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 


Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Comments

Opinion

The triumphs and challenges of a generation in flux

challenges of the current generation
Members of Students against Discrimination movement collect money and relief items to help flood-affected communities, at Dhaka University on August 23, 2024. PHOTO: PALASH KHAN

The timing of the flood couldn't have been worse. The country is yet to recover from the political storm that has created an administrative vacuum both at the centre and in the periphery. The students are once again at the forefront by reaching out to the victims of the flood that has inundated the country's eastern region.

The creativity and passion with which they are collecting funds, identifying essential items, creating support networks, and undertaking rescue missions are remarkable. This is another example of our youth rising to the occasion. Social media displays their activism, allowing us to hear their humanitarian voices and connect with their peers. However, we must avoid any undue and oversimplistic expectation that this generation alone will change everything overnight. Such expectations will place huge pressure on this generation that is still coming of age. And they may not have yet developed a thorough idea of the complex and intricate nature of the problems that they are dealing with. I believe that in order for us to move forward as a country with all of its desired reforms, we need to have a reality check and emphasise intergenerational dynamics.

The young generation's rise to prominence in politics is both phenomenal and accidental. What began as a movement among some public university graduates seeking systemic changes for equal job opportunities transformed into a singular demand: regime change. The tide has turned. The autocratic regime is toppled. A new challenge has now emerged: filling the power vacuum.

We have thrust many of our students into leadership roles. Thankfully, an interim government comprising experienced civil society and public service members assists them in understanding the institutional knowledge and the intricacies of the governance machinery. But due to the movement's spontaneity and sporadic nature, there is no clearly defined leadership. The coordination team represents the movement, but many volunteers and local enthusiasts are operating in uncharted areas. This inexperience, combined with their youthful idealism, is likely to cause missteps.

The recent cancellation of HSC exams will be a classic example. A group of students stormed the Secretariat and demanded immediate annulment of the public examination. An adviser attempted to reason with the students, but to no effect. Their threats of violence compelled the government to concede to a proposal to prepare results based on the examinations that they have appeared in so far. With the memory of the quota reform movement still vivid, the government probably did not want to risk exacerbating the situation. The caution is understandable, but it will lead to further complications. Not surprisingly, another group of students have contradicted the demand of their peers, as they feel that the compromised results based on partial exams will jeopardise their future in competitive exams, higher studies, and selection of majors. Mobocracy drowned out their response.

This incident exemplifies a troubling aspect where group interests precede institutional ones. This is also seen in the series of news reports that state how institutional heads are being asked to resign from their posts. Those who faced the call to step down ostensibly remained silent or ambivalent during the movement. These individuals are found guilty of complicity in the crimes of the previous regime. There could be many invisible local factors or hidden agendas. It is possible that different dormant regimes will return. Indeed, we need a culture of accountability. But we also need to refrain from rash judgements that can destabilise many of our already fragile institutions. At the same time, we need to be careful about less noble intentions that may take advantage of a power vacuum. As Greta Thunberg, one of the most prominent Gen Z climate activists, has emphasised, real change requires action from those in power, not just from passionate young people.

There is also a risk of elevating the leaders through excessive praise. We should use constructive criticism as a stimulus for meaningful change. The nation does not require further reminders about the negative effects of hero worship and the formation of cults. Generation Z, like any generation, is not a homogenous entity. Many of them are deeply committed to political change, but they vary in their scope and conviction. Leaders of the movement, when elevated to positions of power, may not accurately reflect the diverse views and concerns of all their peers representing different social strata. Already, we have seen madrasa students complaining that their cleaning or street monitoring activities did not get equal media attention. Private university students assert that their sacrifices received insufficient recognition. This disconnect could lead to fractures within the movement as different factions vie for influence and control. The HSC fiasco is a case in point.

The use of technology, particularly social media, plays a crucial role in the rise of Gen Z activism. It allowed activists to connect with one another, share information rapidly, and mobilise support on a global scale. However, the rapid pace of online activism can result in superficial engagement, reducing complex issues to mere hashtags and soundbites. Some groups could intensify their activism to become more radical. For instance, a group of female students went to Shahbag Police Station insisting on forcing an alleged perpetrator of sexual assault into writing a confessional statement, snatching him away from the uniformed forces. Support for a patient army officer and a radical female voice divides the internet.

A prerequisite of nation-building is continuity and stability. Gen Z has been the catalyst for change. However, a single generation cannot bring about changes. We must not overlook the contributions and experiences of previous generations. We need intergenerational collaboration, not generational rivalry, to address the multifaceted crises facing us. For instance, as a flood-prone country, we developed a disaster management model. Although we should have immediately deployed professional forces to deal with the flood aftermath, the focus appears to be more on crowdsourcing and their viral visibility.

While we are thankful to Generation Z for the ultimate sacrifice they made to bring down an autocratic regime and force far-reaching reforms, we need to bridge the intergenerational divide. We need a reality check. The future depends on whether we can channel their energy and idealism into sustainable, long-term change, highlighting each generation's role. We need to build a bridge over the troubled waters.


Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.


Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 


Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.

Comments

বাংলাদেশে ইসলামি চরমপন্থার জায়গা হবে না: ড. ইউনূস

বাংলাদেশে আর কখনো ইসলামি চরমপন্থার জায়গা হবে না বলে মন্তব্য করেছেন অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারের প্রধান উপদেষ্টা ড. মুহাম্মদ ইউনূস।

এইমাত্র