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Can the interim govt make progress with the CHT Accord?

The CHT Accord was signed on December 2, 1997. File photo: STAR

The quota reform protests that turned into the anti-discrimination movement of students, followed by the uprising of students and mass people, has caused the downfall of the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government. In its aftermath, an interim government has been formed in Bangladesh. The main spirit of the movement was to bring a reform in the state systems through the eradication of discriminatory functioning of the state.

Needless to say, it is the vulnerable and marginalised communities who fall prey to any form of discrimination. In Bangladesh, the Indigenous people living in plainlands and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) are no exception. It is especially due to the continuous repression of the Indigenous Jumma people for decades that there has been continuing mass movement in the CHT since the 1960s. To bring resolution, the historic CHT Accord was signed in 1997 to ensure a perennial solution to the CHT crisis through peaceful and political means.

After signing the accord, the then Awami League government implemented some of its provisions, but did not go ahead with the implementation of two-thirds of the accord, including the core issues. The provisions that were left unimplemented include: stepping up lawful and administrative measures to preserve the tribal-inhabited feature of the CHT region; devolving the subjects of general administration, law and order, police (local), land management, forest and environment, development of communication system, etc. to the CHT Regional Council and three hill district councils established under the special governance system within the accord's purview; holding elections to the councils after formulation of election rules and enumeration of the permanent residents of CHT in the electoral roll; formation of a hill police force with the permanent residents of CHT; returning the dispossessed lands of the Jumma people to the owners by settling the land disputes through the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission and formulation of the rules of the commission; and cancellation of all leases of lands given to the non-residents.

They also include withdrawal of all temporary camps, including the "Operation Uttaran"; ensuring proper rehabilitation of the India-returnee Jumma refugees and internally displaced Jumma families after getting back their dispossessed lands; appointment of permanent residents in all available jobs in the CHT with preference to the Jumma people; bringing amendment to all the laws, rules and regulations applicable to CHT in consonance with the CHT Accord; and relocation of Bangalee settlers from the lands and homesteads of the Jumma people.

It is worth mentioning that due to non-implementation of most of the accord, no political and peaceful solution to the CHT crisis has been achieved; rather, discrimination and deprivation of the Jumma people have intensified. The activities of state machineries designed to be anti-accord and counterproductive to the interest of the Jumma people have been strengthened. Consequently, it has become a routine for the Jumma people to witness arbitrary arrests, jailing, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and abduction, forceful occupation of lands, forced eviction of people from their own land and homesteads, false cases, communal attacks, arson in houses, violence against women, etc.

The commitment of ensuring the Jumma people's rights given through the signing of the accord was heinously breached by the Hasina-led government. It was a case of extreme deception with the Jumma people. The institutions of CHT Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee, CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission, a task force for the rehabilitation of India-returnee Jumma refugees and internally displaced persons, the CHT Regional Council and the three hill district councils were made totally dysfunctional, indeed.

It may be noted that in the case of the CHT Accord's implementation, which was signed without any third party, the CHT Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee is the the only recognised authority acceptable to both the parties, the decisions and recommendations of which are obligatory to both the Bangladesh government and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samity (PCJSS) as the signatories. But the Hasina-led government didn't undertake any initiative to implement any of the decisions taken in the meetings of the committee. The committee became an institution only in name.

 

Against this backdrop, for the sake of the implementation of the accord, it is necessary to appoint a competent person for the post of convener of the CHT Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee by the interim government in consultation with the PCJSS immediately. After the appointment of the convener, the unimplemented provisions of the accord may be identified in the meetings of the committee. It is most urgent that a time-bound roadmap for the implementation of the unimplemented provisions be adopted in the sessions of the committee. Then the interim government can follow the roadmap to fully implement the accord.
In this case, the crucial role of the Ministry of CHT Affairs is undeniable. During the reign of the Sheikh Hasina government, the ministry was never seen playing a positive role in the matter of the accord's implementation, when it was formed under the provision of the accord. It is hoped that the interim government will undertake proper measures to bring the ministry back on track leading to the full implementation of the accord.

Whenever it comes to the issues of democratic and human rights of the people, the Sheikh Hasina-led government would focus on describing how it was going to uplift the country among the ranks of middle-income countries; it used to conceal its autocratic tendencies and lack of rule of law in the country. Similarly, in the case with CHT, the Hasina-led government used to tell the tale of its development programmes and strived to conceal its failure in implementing the accord and its oppressive actions against the Jumma people. The hill people expect that the interim government will be able to set the state systems on the right path, and make them pro-people, eco-friendly, and friendly to the culture of Indigenous peoples.

It is also hoped that the interim government will be able to realise the discrimination and deprivation of the Jumma people in depth and as a part of the reforms in the state systems, it will take firm steps to end the discrimination existent in the CHT region. Ending the plight of the Jumma people lies in the proper, speedy and fullest implementation of the CHT Accord.

Mangal Kumar Chakma is information and publicity secretary at Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS).

Comments

Can the interim govt make progress with the CHT Accord?

The CHT Accord was signed on December 2, 1997. File photo: STAR

The quota reform protests that turned into the anti-discrimination movement of students, followed by the uprising of students and mass people, has caused the downfall of the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government. In its aftermath, an interim government has been formed in Bangladesh. The main spirit of the movement was to bring a reform in the state systems through the eradication of discriminatory functioning of the state.

Needless to say, it is the vulnerable and marginalised communities who fall prey to any form of discrimination. In Bangladesh, the Indigenous people living in plainlands and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) are no exception. It is especially due to the continuous repression of the Indigenous Jumma people for decades that there has been continuing mass movement in the CHT since the 1960s. To bring resolution, the historic CHT Accord was signed in 1997 to ensure a perennial solution to the CHT crisis through peaceful and political means.

After signing the accord, the then Awami League government implemented some of its provisions, but did not go ahead with the implementation of two-thirds of the accord, including the core issues. The provisions that were left unimplemented include: stepping up lawful and administrative measures to preserve the tribal-inhabited feature of the CHT region; devolving the subjects of general administration, law and order, police (local), land management, forest and environment, development of communication system, etc. to the CHT Regional Council and three hill district councils established under the special governance system within the accord's purview; holding elections to the councils after formulation of election rules and enumeration of the permanent residents of CHT in the electoral roll; formation of a hill police force with the permanent residents of CHT; returning the dispossessed lands of the Jumma people to the owners by settling the land disputes through the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission and formulation of the rules of the commission; and cancellation of all leases of lands given to the non-residents.

They also include withdrawal of all temporary camps, including the "Operation Uttaran"; ensuring proper rehabilitation of the India-returnee Jumma refugees and internally displaced Jumma families after getting back their dispossessed lands; appointment of permanent residents in all available jobs in the CHT with preference to the Jumma people; bringing amendment to all the laws, rules and regulations applicable to CHT in consonance with the CHT Accord; and relocation of Bangalee settlers from the lands and homesteads of the Jumma people.

It is worth mentioning that due to non-implementation of most of the accord, no political and peaceful solution to the CHT crisis has been achieved; rather, discrimination and deprivation of the Jumma people have intensified. The activities of state machineries designed to be anti-accord and counterproductive to the interest of the Jumma people have been strengthened. Consequently, it has become a routine for the Jumma people to witness arbitrary arrests, jailing, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and abduction, forceful occupation of lands, forced eviction of people from their own land and homesteads, false cases, communal attacks, arson in houses, violence against women, etc.

The commitment of ensuring the Jumma people's rights given through the signing of the accord was heinously breached by the Hasina-led government. It was a case of extreme deception with the Jumma people. The institutions of CHT Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee, CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission, a task force for the rehabilitation of India-returnee Jumma refugees and internally displaced persons, the CHT Regional Council and the three hill district councils were made totally dysfunctional, indeed.

It may be noted that in the case of the CHT Accord's implementation, which was signed without any third party, the CHT Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee is the the only recognised authority acceptable to both the parties, the decisions and recommendations of which are obligatory to both the Bangladesh government and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samity (PCJSS) as the signatories. But the Hasina-led government didn't undertake any initiative to implement any of the decisions taken in the meetings of the committee. The committee became an institution only in name.

 

Against this backdrop, for the sake of the implementation of the accord, it is necessary to appoint a competent person for the post of convener of the CHT Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee by the interim government in consultation with the PCJSS immediately. After the appointment of the convener, the unimplemented provisions of the accord may be identified in the meetings of the committee. It is most urgent that a time-bound roadmap for the implementation of the unimplemented provisions be adopted in the sessions of the committee. Then the interim government can follow the roadmap to fully implement the accord.
In this case, the crucial role of the Ministry of CHT Affairs is undeniable. During the reign of the Sheikh Hasina government, the ministry was never seen playing a positive role in the matter of the accord's implementation, when it was formed under the provision of the accord. It is hoped that the interim government will undertake proper measures to bring the ministry back on track leading to the full implementation of the accord.

Whenever it comes to the issues of democratic and human rights of the people, the Sheikh Hasina-led government would focus on describing how it was going to uplift the country among the ranks of middle-income countries; it used to conceal its autocratic tendencies and lack of rule of law in the country. Similarly, in the case with CHT, the Hasina-led government used to tell the tale of its development programmes and strived to conceal its failure in implementing the accord and its oppressive actions against the Jumma people. The hill people expect that the interim government will be able to set the state systems on the right path, and make them pro-people, eco-friendly, and friendly to the culture of Indigenous peoples.

It is also hoped that the interim government will be able to realise the discrimination and deprivation of the Jumma people in depth and as a part of the reforms in the state systems, it will take firm steps to end the discrimination existent in the CHT region. Ending the plight of the Jumma people lies in the proper, speedy and fullest implementation of the CHT Accord.

Mangal Kumar Chakma is information and publicity secretary at Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS).

Comments

হাসিনা-জয়ের বিরুদ্ধে যুক্তরাষ্ট্রে ৩০০ মিলিয়ন ডলার পাচারের অভিযোগ তদন্ত করবে দুদক

এর আগে শেখ হাসিনা, তার বোন শেখ রেহানা, ছেলে সজীব ওয়াজেদ জয় এবং রেহানার মেয়ে টিউলিপ সিদ্দিকের বিরুদ্ধে নয়টি প্রকল্পে ৮০ হাজার কোটি টাকার অনিয়ম ও দুর্নীতির অভিযোগ তদন্তের সিদ্ধান্ত নেয় দুদক।

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