COP28: Progress for women, but Bangladesh deserves more
In the coastal village of Shyamnagar in Satkhira, a woman named Rina (pseudonym) faces a relentless battle. Rising salinity from encroaching seawater ruins her family's rice fields, forcing her to walk far every day to collect fresh water. Her story is all too common in Bangladesh, the seventh most climate-vulnerable nation in the world, according to Germanwatch Global Climate Risk Index 2021. For women like Rina, the outcomes of climate conferences like COP28 matter—and yet, promises often outpace progress.
The proceedings of the global climate summit's latest edition brought renewed focus on gender, with discussions of just transitions and gender-responsive climate policy, adding momentum to an issue sidelined for too long. The establishment of the Loss and Damage Fund offers Bangladesh a ray of hope—a concrete way to fund recovery after the inevitable effects of a changing climate, like devastating cyclones and insidious erosion, upend vulnerable communities. But with limited details yet provided, it remains unclear how swiftly this lifeline will reach those most in need.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel. COP28 placed gender squarely on the agenda. The Gender-Responsive Just Transitions and Climate Action Partnership demonstrates a shift, acknowledging women's vital role in adaptation and recognising the need to incorporate their experiences and knowledge into the worldwide green transition. The conference underscored how climate change has gendered effects, from water scarcity to heightened vulnerability during disasters. Women are burdened in ways still far too often overlooked by policymakers.
There also remains an uncomfortable gap between acknowledgment and action. Increased rhetoric is necessary but fails to address the urgent need for real-world solutions. To make a difference, gender-responsive approaches must underpin every aspect of climate finance, directing resources to female-led projects and building women's capacity throughout society. Likewise, collecting gender-disaggregated data is essential to fully understand and target these inequalities.
COP28 offered progress, albeit slow; but time is a luxury that nations like Bangladesh cannot afford. We need clear commitments, bold funding allocations, and an unwavering focus on equality at future climate talks. For COP gatherings to have a transformative impact, good intentions must solidify into actions bound by measurable targets. This means quantified mandates for female representation at all levels of climate governance, designated financing for women-led initiatives, and the explicit inclusion of gender analysis in adaptation plans. Without them, promises to build more equitable climate solutions ring hollow.
It's essential to address climate change effects' intersection with other vulnerabilities in Bangladesh's context. Poverty, ethnicity, and social marginalisation interact with climate risks, compounding existing inequality. An understanding of this web is vital to create effective policies.
Bangladesh and the broader climate justice movement must take on the root causes of gender disparity. This translates to tackling discriminatory policies, providing women with climate-specific knowledge, investing unequivocally in girls' education, and challenging societal norms that limit female potential.
COP28 should have been a strong advocate for funding women-led innovation. Bangladeshi women are a wellspring of adaptive solutions, from local-level resilience initiatives to sustainable farming practices. Yet, they face systemic barriers to accessing the resources and support required to implement these solutions at scale. Accountability is another crucial piece of the puzzle. Pledges made require robust frameworks to monitor whether financial aid targets female-led projects and reaches communities directly.
COP28 missed an opportunity to showcase Bangladeshi successes in tackling climate impacts. From community-level cyclone preparedness to female-led adaptation strategies, the nation must be a leader. Platforms for amplifying these initiatives and facilitating South-South knowledge exchange and cooperation with similarly vulnerable nations would strengthen outcomes.
Bangladesh deserves global advocacy on issues like climate-driven female migration, which demands international frameworks and protections. We need investment in girls' education to redress inequitable climate impacts in the long term and a clear focus on ensuring that climate financing supports, rather than undermines, women's economic opportunities. Bangladesh is crying out for data-driven action. Without gender-disaggregated statistics, the unique effects of climate change remain nebulous and hard to address. Funding that enables data collection and trains female advocates to harness information is a pivotal component of effective policymaking.
Bangladesh faces internal realities that add additional urgency to addressing gender gaps in climate resilience. Global platforms like COP can catalyse progress—and there's a responsibility to use the spotlight wisely. Bangladesh must demand transparency and accountability in loss and damage funding, advocate alongside climate-vulnerable nations, and play a central role in knowledge-sharing to ensure it is seen as a driver of solutions, not simply a victim.
The world sees its own future mirrored in Bangladesh—Rina's story echoes beyond her village. Within her narrative lie potent truths: resourcefulness in the face of adversity, the quiet but relentless force of marginalised women fighting for survival, and the harsh reality that ignoring intertwined issues of climate and gender will come at a profound cost for society as a whole. The clock is ticking for COP29, world leaders, and wealthy nations. They must invest in the women of Bangladesh, support their innovations, and give them a seat at decision-making tables. Their leadership, strengthened by the world leaders' action, offers us the best hope for a future where justice and survival go hand in hand.
SM Mashrur Arafin Ayon works at the South Asian Institute of Policy and Governance (SIPG) of North South University. His research interest lies with the intersections of gender, technology, and feminist theory.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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