We must build a foundation for genuine democracy
One is not surprised to see the eagerness of some political parties for early elections in Bangladesh. In fact, the BNP has been pushing for an election roadmap for some time, with reported plans to take to the streets if one is not provided within two to three months. The benefits of holding elections have become a routine talking point for some leaders. Unfortunately, despite Bangladesh having held elections quite regularly over the decades, genuine democracy has remained elusive. With every new regime, the democratic deficit widened further until Awami League monopolised power so fully that all democratic institutions were effectively hollowed out.
The country is still reeling from the devastating consequences of that autocratic rule, which resorted to a political hardball where the laws and rules of the game were only "honoured" in their breach. Thus, it is fair to ask if we can afford to submit to a system that is still susceptible to abuse and distortion merely for the sake of an election that might not ensure full democratic benefits to the people under the current arrangements. Admittedly, no system can be made foolproof or fully immune to interference. But every conceivable safety measure must be built into the system with strong guardrails to prevent any derailment by politicians with ill intentions.
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The problem does not lie with the existing laws and regulations so much as it does with how the system has been manipulated by those who were entrusted to run it. So the challenge is how to shield the system from partisan tinkering or exploitation so that it cannot be undermined from within.
At the risk of sounding repetitious and even facetious, I think we need to keep reminding ourselves of the past. It is for the benefit of Generation Z—who have often been a victim of biased and truncated accounts of history—to know that it is in the hands of a major political party that the first nail in the coffin of democracy was put, in 1973, and it was buried, with the final nail being put by the same party, after 40 years.
All hopes of a democratic dispensation under a multiparty system, upholding the raison d'etre of the War of Liberation, was put paid to by the introduction of a one-party system. This, done by the so-called votaries of democracy, defied all reasons. And as in 1973, this breach of democratic ideals was again evident in 2014 when the same party's re-assumption of power was marred by electoral interference, casting a long shadow on their political legitimacy. Army interference in between these times, made inevitable by the ineptness of political parties, failed to restore democratic principles.
So, Bangladesh cannot afford to have a system that might once again end up reintroducing another stifling, illiberal regime or creating autocrats through ballot boxes. And that makes proper constitutional reforms essential.
Some people have questioned the authority of the interim government to alter, amend or rewrite the constitution—the last being the remit, they contend, of only an elected government. Ironically, these objections come often from individuals who benefited under the previous regime or remained silent through the years of rights violations and repression that even invited international sanctions on some of the state agencies.
There can be no equivocation as to the fact that the interim government is a unique product of a successful mass uprising. Although one may take issue with its handling of certain matters, let there be no doubt that a body hoisted to that position by the people is automatically invested with the mandate to effect changes by rectifying the systemic decay wrought by 15 years of unchecked power.
True, a constitution is not a bible—it is not set in stone. Changes are necessary to keep up with evolving realities, and there are so many weaknesses in our constitution that should be addressed earnestly. But given the history of constitutional amendments in Bangladesh—most of which served political agendas—I, as an ordinary citizen, would hope that any changes be implemented by a dispensation that has no political agenda to fulfil or no axe to grind. I say this because none of the 17 constitutional amendments so far had been brought with public welfare in mind. Save for the first, the motivation behind all amendments was either personal or partisan interests—the worst being the fourth which virtually was the first nail in the coffin of democracy in Bangladesh.
Democracy cannot operate as a simple majority steamroller, as we also saw in the early days of our independence. Our constitution, among other things, should ensure that. A new or amended constitution could be put through a national referendum to ensure the public's endorsement, or lack thereof, of these changes.
The public's demand is clear: fix the system, especially the democratic institutions and public administration. The chief advisor's comment that the tenure of the interim government should be as short as possible is reassuring, as is his declared intent to address systemic flaws. And in this endeavour, patience, especially by the political parties, would be a very helpful virtue.
Brig Gen Shahedul Anam Khan, ndc, psc (retd) is a former associate editor of The Daily Star.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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