The gathering storm
If anyone had thought that the post-revolution government or the people, in general, would have an easy ride in conducting the affairs of the state, they were living in a paradise dominated by fools. The more aware among us perhaps anticipated some resistance posed by the supporters of the disgraced autocrat. However, the highly coordinated and well-orchestrated programmes—planned, instigated, and directed from across the border to spoil the gains and thwart the recovery programmes of the interim government—make us wonder.
And the wonder is at the ineptness of the intelligence agencies to anticipate the anti-state elements because anyone who resists the current recovery and reform programmes cannot be categorised as anything but that. We will dwell on this aspect a little later.
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All successful revolutions run the risk of a counter-revolution, particularly when there is a lot at stake for a deposed autocrat, their party, and its diehard supporters. The destruction that has been wreaked on every sector, including the very moral edifice of the nation that elevates a country in the community of nations, needs a turbulence-free environment to set right. The longer a post-revolution regime lasts, the more of their wrongdoings come to light—and more of the wrongdoers face trial and punishment. Thus, to have failed to foresee the events now unfolding would suggest either incompetence or dereliction of duty on the part of those responsible for forewarning the administration.
Our problems are essentially twofold.
Firstly, the opposition has an external sponsor and beneficiary. They have perhaps an equally high, if not greater, stake in the fugitive prime minister's reinstatement to power. It seems that hostile intelligence agencies are working overtime to create as much turmoil as possible inside Bangladesh to bring down the interim government and ensure that outcome.
For this, the most sensitive issue—the minority issue—has been exploited. Facts have been distorted and exaggerated, and, in most instances, narratives have been manufactured to create communal strife in Bangladesh to restore the disgraced autocrat to power.
This looks like a crass, callow, and rustic approach from the mandarins sitting in New Delhi, who seem to be out to atone for their dismal failure, firstly, to anticipate the fate of their protégé in Dhaka and, secondly, to prevent the outcome that eventuated, by any means, fair or foul.
The second problem is that the former autocrat has not only been provided a safe sanctuary across the border but is also being allowed to carry out anti-Bangladesh activities seemingly in collusion with hostile intelligence agencies. Investigations so far have revealed that the anti-minority activities and attacks on the minority community have been instigated and perpetrated by Awami League elements. In fact, they have been behind most of the troubles witnessed in various sectors.
And regarding the above, I have a few submissions.
Firstly, the use of Indian soil to conduct anti-Bangladesh activities by anti-Bangladesh elements. It is not only Hasina but also a large number of her party members who are now ensconced in India and, in fact, are seemingly being supported by Indian authorities. It is time the Bangladesh government looked its counterpart in the eye and demanded that this be stopped forthwith. We are used to hearing ad nauseam the whining of the Indian authorities about so-called hostile anti-Indian elements, without credible proof, conducting anti-Indian activities from inside Bangladesh. Hasina makes no secret of her activities. She and her fugitive party members are a distinct threat to our security interests, and this issue must be dealt with the alacrity and seriousness it deserves. Otherwise, I fear we will rue the fact that many of the top leadership managed to leave the country—indeed, some of them were helped to leave.
Secondly, the role of the intelligence agencies. In the past, they had been serving party interests rather than national interests. Vestiges of the deposed party may still exist among their serving members, with loyalty to the erstwhile ruling party. Thus, it may not be beyond the realm of possibility that the timely passage of intelligence is being deliberately disrupted. This must be addressed seriously.
Thirdly, countering ill-motivated distortions of facts by the Indian media. The concerted, coordinated offensive by the Indian media, certainly at the direction of the authorities in Delhi, must be addressed effectively. Here, I feel the role of our media is vital.
Notice the quickness with which a minority matter is turned into an issue by the Indian media and how stories are manufactured with slants given to events occurring in Bangladesh to tarnish our image. I have not seen enough editorials or articles in our leading newspapers countering these spurious and malicious news stories.
The fact that the Modi government has been carrying out anti-Muslim programmes has remained outside the notice of the international community. In fact, very little, if any, news of the persecution of Muslims in India since 2014 has found space in our electronic or print media. But perhaps I am expecting too much, given a situation where a large section of the fourth estate in Bangladesh, over the last 15 years, had surrendered to the party in power and, instead of being a watchdog, had become a lapdog of the party (see my article: "Surrender of the fourth estate," The Daily Star, February 27, 2019). It is time we put national interests first and helped in our own ways to enhance and preserve national security.
Let me end by asserting that the Indian political leadership and their policy planners are out of sync with the reality prevailing in Bangladesh. The quisling they set up in Dhaka and her party have all but lost public support. More importantly, a new generation in Bangladesh has come of age and has taken, somewhat by force, the baton that the old guards—who have consistently failed the people—failed to pass on to the new generation in a timely manner. Luckily, this generation is not burdened by the baggage of history and is gifted with greater acuity to see the tree from the woods.
It is my firm belief that this new generation will run the affairs of the state in the very near future. In all likelihood, political power alternation will no longer be considered in binary terms. A third party will emerge—it needs to emerge—to replace the ossified minds that have been running the affairs of the state for so long.
Brig Gen Shahedul Anam Khan, ndc, psc (retd) is a former associate editor of The Daily Star.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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