A renewed debate about using the word "adivasi" has captured Bangladesh, and blood has even been spilled over it. But why again? Who are the people who object so vehemently to the term "adivasi"? Why is there controversy over designating the ethnic minorities in Bangladesh as Indigenous? To answer these questions, we must examine what this term means and the rights Indigenous people are supposed to receive under international law if the Bangladesh government were to acknowledge them as such. Perhaps it is because of these legal rights that some people feel so threatened by the term "adivasi" and seek to belittle ethnic minorities as sub-nations or upajatis.

According to the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), Bangladesh is a country of cultural and ethnic diversity, with over 54 Indigenous Peoples speaking at least 35 languages, alongside the majority Bengali population. However, the Indigenous people of Bangladesh are not legally recognised as "indigenous," as Article 6(2) of Bangladesh constitution identifies all citizens as "Bangalees" in the eyes of the government. Since all other rights in the constitution are based on citizenship, this lack of recognition is a major obstacle to securing the rights of the Indigenous people. This is a key issue in the constitution that must be addressed by the constitutional reform committee.

Many Indigenous peoples in Bangladesh call themselves "adivasi," which has been a subject of debate since liberation. Some argue that "adivasi" denotes the first people and quarrel over who came to the land first—a futile debate that benefits no one. The real crisis lies elsewhere. Although Section 23(A) of the constitution says that the state shall take steps to protect and develop the unique local culture and traditions of tribes, minor races, ethnic sects, and communities, this has not really been the case. Recently, we witnessed aggression against Indigenous people when a group called "Students for Sovereignty" attacked demonstrators from minority communities in front of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) office, leaving at least 20 injured. The protests arose amid controversy over a graffiti illustration on the back cover of the "Bangla Language Grammar and Composition" textbook for classes 9 and 10, which included the word "adivasi" (Indigenous).

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The Students for Sovereignty protested against using the word "adivasi" on the textbook cover, arguing that the constitution refers to these groups as small communities or tribes, making the term inappropriate. In response, some Indigenous people, under the banner "Aggrieved Indigenous Student-Masses," also gathered to demand the reinstatement of the graffiti. To understand why ethnic minorities in Bangladesh wish to be recognised as Indigenous, we must consider the rights Indigenous people are entitled to under international law.

In 2007, the UN General Assembly adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), a historic achievement for more than 370 million Indigenous people worldwide, establishing a universal framework of minimum standards for their survival, dignity, and well-being. Bangladesh abstained from voting on the UNDRIP because Article 3 of the declaration states that Indigenous people have the right to self-determination, allowing them to choose whether to form a new independent country or remain part of Bangladesh. For the same reason, neighbouring India and Myanmar also do not recognise their tribal populations as Indigenous. This is why recent protests included slogans like "Who are we? Who are we? Bengali, Bengali," which disregard their cultural identity as Indigenous, even though they meet all the criteria set by International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention 169—the only international treaty exclusively addressing Indigenous peoples' rights. Bangladesh should reconsider its stance and grant legal rights to Indigenous communities through ongoing reform processes, but instead, it seems we are regressing.

These communities have traditional lifestyles, distinct cultures, and unique social organisations tied to specific areas, qualifying them to be treated as Indigenous and entitled to rights under international law. Although the constitution does not recognise them as Indigenous, several laws in Bangladesh, including the draft Bangladesh Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (2015), aim to protect their rights. This act, prepared by the Parliamentary Caucus on Indigenous Peoples, incorporates rights to ancestral domains, self-governance, cultural integrity, social justice, and human rights for Indigenous communities. It is crucial to acknowledge them as Indigenous to protect their way of life and shield them from any form of majoritarian aggression.

Amid the political instability following the July uprising and the fall of the previous government, we have witnessed instances of violence against minorities. While the newly formed interim government is taking initiatives to include Indigenous representation in textbooks to foster harmony, removing the word "adivasi" from the cover in response to a hatred-driven protest was a cowardly decision. This student-led advisory council had the opportunity to define and affirm the characteristics of Indigenous people in Bangladesh, granting them equal dignity as citizens while preserving their cultural identity. Unfortunately, this promise remains unfulfilled. Instead, the government is bowing to hateful threats and removing the very term the Indigenous community identifies with.

If the word "adivasi" is at the root of this conflict, there should be an effort to create a new, inclusive term that reflects the self-identification of ethnic minorities. The message of the removed graffiti should not be suppressed, and Indigenous people must be recognised as an inseparable part of the national fabric. Using the word "Indigenous" in Bangla fonts or adopting terms like "special ethnic groups" could be alternatives. Regardless of the terminology, the government must ensure that Indigenous people receive all the cultural, economic, social, political, and legal rights they are entitled to and are protected from any attacks. Failure to do so will undermine the government's claims of inclusivity.

Aparajita Debnath is an advocate at Dhaka Judge Court.

Anupam Debashis Roy is a PhD student at the University of Oxford. He can be reached at anupam.roy@sociology.ox.ac.uk.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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