The case for internal reforms within political parties
When a country's politicians seek nationality or residency rights in foreign countries, it signals that its politics has reached an impasse—a dead end—with leaders hedging their bets with an exit strategy should their careers become untenable. This disturbing tendency has become evident in Bangladesh after a report revealed that 24 politicians who served as ministers, advisers or members of parliament during the tenure of the ousted Awami League government hold foreign citizenship or residency cards. They have allegedly acquired these privileges by concealing information, which constitutes a breach of both the law and Bangladesh's constitution. Article 66 of the constitution clearly states that a person who acquires foreign citizenship or pledges allegiance to a foreign state cannot serve as a member of parliament.
This disregard for the people and country they were supposed to serve can be attributed to the erosion of the electoral system, breakdown of good governance, pervasive financial corruption, and unchecked money laundering over the 15-plus years under deposed autocrat Sheikh Hasina. Her misgovernance displayed traits commonly associated with fascism, such as curtailing electoral democracy, stifling political and cultural liberalism, establishing family-centred rule, using security forces for personal and crony interests, and scapegoating political or social groups to deflect blame for any national failure or crisis. Above all, there was an extensive personality cult built through state-funded propaganda.
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In Bangladesh 2.0—following Sheikh Hasina's fall and her subsequent refuge in India on August 5, 2024—the state reform drive of the interim government has focused on various areas, including the electoral system, constitution, judiciary, civil administration, and media. However, one of the most essential components of state reform—politics and political parties—has been relatively absent in the reform agenda or even public discourse.
In the case of politicians who have shown divided or no loyalty to Bangladesh by secretly obtaining foreign citizenship, their parties must also share the blame, as there is currently no effective monitoring process for nominating parliamentary candidates or even vetting aspirant party members. Sadly, the charters and rules of political parties are often not aligned with national laws and electoral procedures.
In Bangladesh 2.0—following Sheikh Hasina's fall and her subsequent refuge in India on August 5, 2024—the state reform drive of the interim government has focused on various areas, including the electoral system, constitution, judiciary, civil administration, and media. However, one of the most essential components of state reform—politics and political parties—has been relatively absent in the reform agenda or even public discourse.
Public discourse has long highlighted the need for MPs to exercise independent judgement in their legislative duties, calling for amendments to Article 70 of the constitution, which reads, "A person elected as a Member of Parliament at an election at which he was nominated as a candidate by a political party shall vacate his seat if he resigns from that party; or votes in Parliament against that party." Many argue that MPs should be allowed to vote independently—except in cases of no-confidence motions and finance bills—to strengthen democratic practices. However, Bangladesh's major political parties, including the BNP and Awami League, lack internal democracy. Therefore, before considering constitutional amendments, it is crucial to reform party charters to promote internal democracy.
In recent decades, major political parties have increasingly placed absolute trust in their top leaders, elevating them to near-unchallenged authority. This approach has weakened decision-making processes and stalled internal democratic practices, exposing deep-seated crises in our politics.
Most district-level committees, as well as the central committees, of the parties are not formed through secret ballots or any standardised process. Top positions have been held by the same individuals for decades, while their family members either serve as their deputies or are groomed to take over leadership. Even other key positions, such as general secretary or secretary general, are not elected within party forums but are instead handpicked.
This practice of selecting leaders without transparent processes often leads to street demonstrations and intra-party conflicts. Without a fair and inclusive process, such conflicts—sometimes turning violent—are likely to continue in today's changed political scenario.
Even the nomination process for party tickets in parliamentary or local elections resembles a quasi-feudal system, where grassroots leaders or aspiring candidates have minimal influence. A select group of central leaders decides on nominations based on criteria known only to themselves.
Considering the gravity of all such undemocratic practices, political parties in Bangladesh need to reconsider their governance structures, taking cues from liberal democracies around the world. They should embrace internal democracy at every level of decision-making, moving away from practices that centralise power among elites or family dynasties.
Politics should be seen as a mission, not a profession, and politicians must ensure they have legitimate sources of income. To combat corruption, political parties should require all members to maintain a valid, sustainable profession outside politics.
Proper electoral reforms can enhance discipline and transparency within the political process. In a country where large numbers of people are mobilised for rallies and election day operations, technological improvements could streamline these activities. For instance, introducing smart IDs at polling stations could reduce the need for polling booth agents, lessening dependence on full-time loyalists. In the 11th parliamentary election on December 30, 2018, over 200,000 polling booths were set up across more than 40,000 centres, requiring substantial manpower and resources.
Further reforms should be made to the Representation of the People Order, 1972. Key positions within political parties must be elected by secret ballots in councils, ideally under the Election Commission's supervision, to prevent unopposed or uncontested selections. The commission should also audit party finances annually, mandating transparency in political funding by requiring parties to disclose their donors.
Finally, we must ask: should individuals who lack absolute loyalty to Bangladesh be barred from joining political parties? Should parties voluntarily revoke membership of individuals with foreign citizenship or residency permits, given that they cannot legally run in national elections? The answers are not difficult to reach.
Shamim A. Zahedy is a journalist. He can be reached at szahedy@yahoo.com.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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