Independence Day Special 2024

The untold story of Jashore’s resistance during the Liberation War

Martyr Mashukur Rahman Tojo

The Daily Star (TDS): What was the situation like on the eve of the 1971 war?

Nur Muhammad (NM): At that time, I was around 27 or 28 years old, old enough to grasp the gravity of the situation. Prior to 1971, thoughts of war were pervasive. Personally, I harbored a disagreement with our Jashore party section of the East Pakistan Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) [EPCP(ML)], the aftermath of which did not bode well for me. However, I chose not to confront the party.

The district committee, under the leadership of Sudhanshu Dey and Hemanta Sarkar, esteemed political figures deeply involved in the Tebhaga movement, went underground and remained uncertain about fully committing to the 1971 war. They sought guidance from the central committee. I engaged them in discussion, expressing my conviction that they were making a grave error. I emphasized that our struggle had evolved into a conflict between the Pakistani state and the people of East Bengal. My younger comrades were persuaded by my arguments, recognizing that joining the war in 1971 was our only recourse to defeating the Pakistani state.

Nur Muhammad, a valiant freedom fighter, prolific author, and esteemed political activist, engaged in numerous battles against the Pakistani junta across 1971, particularly in the wider Jashore region. In an exclusive interview with The Daily Star, he shares introspective reflections on his wartime encounters and the intricate dynamics of the pivotal year 1971.

We became aware of Captain Hafiz's uprising in the Jessore cantonment. In response, we orchestrated raids on several police stations to acquire arms. Additionally, some EPR members willingly surrendered their arms to us upon leaving their stations.

Recognizing the necessity for unified action against the Pakistani invaders, I prioritized cooperation over party divisions. My focus lay in fostering collaboration with other parties, mobilizing peasants, facilitating military training, and establishing a military commission to oversee our efforts. Despite facing limitations, we adequately trained our members. My objective was to confront the Pakistani army's occupation of our country without resorting to crossing into India at any cost.

Our stance wasn't driven by animosity or distrust toward India; rather, we remained steadfast in our commitment to maintaining a continuous presence on the battlefield and fiercely engaging the Pakistani army with all our capabilities. Unlike the defensive strategy favored by the Awami League, our aim was to launch an offensive campaign.

However, Mashiur Rahman, a prominent leader of the Awami League and a former minister, stayed back. Inspired by the political principles of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, his decision to stay here was reinforced by a deep conviction. Tragically, he was later apprehended and killed.

TDS: Tell us about the war efforts of your group?

NM: I assumed leadership of our group after persuading them to join the war, deeming it justified to resist the invaders, despite opposition from our central committee. We successfully captured Jashore, Mohammadpur, Narail, Lohagora, and Shalikha thana, but struggled to hold onto these territories amidst relentless attacks from the Razakars.

These collaborators proved to be formidable adversaries, actively impeding our liberation efforts by providing intelligence to the Pakistani army and inflicting significant casualties upon us. As the conflict intensified, we found ourselves surrounded and realized the futility of maintaining our positions. Despite possessing 350 arms, we suffered heavy losses, with over 200 of our members falling in battle. However, we adhered to our principles by refraining from executing enemy prisoners.

In our operational zone, we encountered neither Mujib Bahini nor regular liberation forces prior to November. Nonetheless, we endeavored to strengthen our military capabilities by independently organizing efforts for arms procurement and training, essential for our continued engagement in the war.

I vividly remember the sacrifices of my comrades who laid down their lives during the war, many of whom were revered student leaders. After my release from prison in 1968, the student leaders of our generation, for various valid reasons, did not continue their involvement in the student movement. Prior to that, luminaries like Asad, Nazrul, Manik, and their peers had spearheaded the student organization and movement. They had earned widespread acclaim for their exemplary leadership in the district's student society during the mass uprising of 1969, leaving an indelible mark on history. Comrade Asad, particularly, attained legendary status, serving as the Vice President of the College Students' Union and the convener of the All-Party District Students' Struggle Council during the 11-point movement. Comrade Nazrul was elected as the General Secretary of College Sangsad in 1967, while Comrade Manik held the position of District Student Union President. All of them initially joined the Student Union and swiftly aligned themselves with the Communist Party group. By the end of 1970, they all attained party ranks, with Nazrul being the first among them. By 1971, they were fully dedicated to revolutionary work as full-time party workers.

I remember Comrade Mashukur Rahman Tojo, who joined the Student Union while studying at Dhaka University and faced imprisonment. He was among the most brilliant students in our district, earning double honors in Physics and Mathematics. Tojo excelled academically, achieving first class in his Master's examination in Mathematics before pursuing higher education abroad. Upon his return in 1969, he secured a well-paid job with a car and a house. I had the opportunity to meet him upon his return, and we engaged in several discussions. He possessed a keen awareness of the profound controversies within the global communist movement and their reverberations in our country's communist circles.

During this time, a faction of the East Pakistan Communist Party (ML) splintered off to form the Communist Party, represented by Amjad Hossain in Jashore, with whom Comrade Tojo was acquainted. In March 1971, Tojo was abducted by Pakistani army personnel in Jessore cantonment and subjected to brutal physical torture. Following a brief conditional release, he departed for India with some relatives in a car provided by his employer. I encountered him again, likely on April 8, 1971, during a brief visit to Bangaon for special duties. Once more, we conversed deeply. Upon hearing of my imminent return to the country, he requested me to wait. Two days later, Tojo Bhai appeared, dressed in cloth shoes, a lungi, and a half-shirt, with a small bag slung over his shoulder. He informed me that he had entrusted his new Mazda car to Awami League's Tajuddin Sahib and decided to return to our homeland. He had thoroughly contemplated the situation and resolved to stand by me in the fight on our native soil.

However, tragedy struck before our plans could unfold. Initially, Comrade Nazrul Islam was apprehended by Pakistani forces from the Monirampur area and transported to Jashore cantonment, where he met a grim fate. Following this, Comrade Mashukur Rahman Tojo, along with Comrades Asaduzzaman, Sirajul Islam Shanti, Mohiuddin Ali Akhtar, and Abdul Mateen, along with a significant portion of our party, were compelled to retreat to Dumuria in Khulna, traversing through Monirampur and Keshabpur. In October, calamity befell the Communist movement across the district, prompting the aforementioned comrades to relocate once more from Dumuria. Comrade Aktar chose a different path, crossing the border back to his birthplace in West Bengal's Birbhum district. Meanwhile, the others decided to return to the vicinity of Jessore city. Upon clandestinely settling in a house in Chinetola, Comrade Mateen was tasked with scouting Jashore town and its environs for a suitable location to regroup. However, before any further action could be taken, tragedy struck. Abdul Mateen left on his mission, but before he could return, Comrades Tojo, Shanti, Manik, Asad, and Sirajul Islam fell into the clutches of the Razakars, fanatical agents of Pakistan, who subjected them to unimaginable cruelty, ultimately claiming their lives.

Interviewed by Priyam Paul

Comments

The untold story of Jashore’s resistance during the Liberation War

Martyr Mashukur Rahman Tojo

The Daily Star (TDS): What was the situation like on the eve of the 1971 war?

Nur Muhammad (NM): At that time, I was around 27 or 28 years old, old enough to grasp the gravity of the situation. Prior to 1971, thoughts of war were pervasive. Personally, I harbored a disagreement with our Jashore party section of the East Pakistan Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) [EPCP(ML)], the aftermath of which did not bode well for me. However, I chose not to confront the party.

The district committee, under the leadership of Sudhanshu Dey and Hemanta Sarkar, esteemed political figures deeply involved in the Tebhaga movement, went underground and remained uncertain about fully committing to the 1971 war. They sought guidance from the central committee. I engaged them in discussion, expressing my conviction that they were making a grave error. I emphasized that our struggle had evolved into a conflict between the Pakistani state and the people of East Bengal. My younger comrades were persuaded by my arguments, recognizing that joining the war in 1971 was our only recourse to defeating the Pakistani state.

Nur Muhammad, a valiant freedom fighter, prolific author, and esteemed political activist, engaged in numerous battles against the Pakistani junta across 1971, particularly in the wider Jashore region. In an exclusive interview with The Daily Star, he shares introspective reflections on his wartime encounters and the intricate dynamics of the pivotal year 1971.

We became aware of Captain Hafiz's uprising in the Jessore cantonment. In response, we orchestrated raids on several police stations to acquire arms. Additionally, some EPR members willingly surrendered their arms to us upon leaving their stations.

Recognizing the necessity for unified action against the Pakistani invaders, I prioritized cooperation over party divisions. My focus lay in fostering collaboration with other parties, mobilizing peasants, facilitating military training, and establishing a military commission to oversee our efforts. Despite facing limitations, we adequately trained our members. My objective was to confront the Pakistani army's occupation of our country without resorting to crossing into India at any cost.

Our stance wasn't driven by animosity or distrust toward India; rather, we remained steadfast in our commitment to maintaining a continuous presence on the battlefield and fiercely engaging the Pakistani army with all our capabilities. Unlike the defensive strategy favored by the Awami League, our aim was to launch an offensive campaign.

However, Mashiur Rahman, a prominent leader of the Awami League and a former minister, stayed back. Inspired by the political principles of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, his decision to stay here was reinforced by a deep conviction. Tragically, he was later apprehended and killed.

TDS: Tell us about the war efforts of your group?

NM: I assumed leadership of our group after persuading them to join the war, deeming it justified to resist the invaders, despite opposition from our central committee. We successfully captured Jashore, Mohammadpur, Narail, Lohagora, and Shalikha thana, but struggled to hold onto these territories amidst relentless attacks from the Razakars.

These collaborators proved to be formidable adversaries, actively impeding our liberation efforts by providing intelligence to the Pakistani army and inflicting significant casualties upon us. As the conflict intensified, we found ourselves surrounded and realized the futility of maintaining our positions. Despite possessing 350 arms, we suffered heavy losses, with over 200 of our members falling in battle. However, we adhered to our principles by refraining from executing enemy prisoners.

In our operational zone, we encountered neither Mujib Bahini nor regular liberation forces prior to November. Nonetheless, we endeavored to strengthen our military capabilities by independently organizing efforts for arms procurement and training, essential for our continued engagement in the war.

I vividly remember the sacrifices of my comrades who laid down their lives during the war, many of whom were revered student leaders. After my release from prison in 1968, the student leaders of our generation, for various valid reasons, did not continue their involvement in the student movement. Prior to that, luminaries like Asad, Nazrul, Manik, and their peers had spearheaded the student organization and movement. They had earned widespread acclaim for their exemplary leadership in the district's student society during the mass uprising of 1969, leaving an indelible mark on history. Comrade Asad, particularly, attained legendary status, serving as the Vice President of the College Students' Union and the convener of the All-Party District Students' Struggle Council during the 11-point movement. Comrade Nazrul was elected as the General Secretary of College Sangsad in 1967, while Comrade Manik held the position of District Student Union President. All of them initially joined the Student Union and swiftly aligned themselves with the Communist Party group. By the end of 1970, they all attained party ranks, with Nazrul being the first among them. By 1971, they were fully dedicated to revolutionary work as full-time party workers.

I remember Comrade Mashukur Rahman Tojo, who joined the Student Union while studying at Dhaka University and faced imprisonment. He was among the most brilliant students in our district, earning double honors in Physics and Mathematics. Tojo excelled academically, achieving first class in his Master's examination in Mathematics before pursuing higher education abroad. Upon his return in 1969, he secured a well-paid job with a car and a house. I had the opportunity to meet him upon his return, and we engaged in several discussions. He possessed a keen awareness of the profound controversies within the global communist movement and their reverberations in our country's communist circles.

During this time, a faction of the East Pakistan Communist Party (ML) splintered off to form the Communist Party, represented by Amjad Hossain in Jashore, with whom Comrade Tojo was acquainted. In March 1971, Tojo was abducted by Pakistani army personnel in Jessore cantonment and subjected to brutal physical torture. Following a brief conditional release, he departed for India with some relatives in a car provided by his employer. I encountered him again, likely on April 8, 1971, during a brief visit to Bangaon for special duties. Once more, we conversed deeply. Upon hearing of my imminent return to the country, he requested me to wait. Two days later, Tojo Bhai appeared, dressed in cloth shoes, a lungi, and a half-shirt, with a small bag slung over his shoulder. He informed me that he had entrusted his new Mazda car to Awami League's Tajuddin Sahib and decided to return to our homeland. He had thoroughly contemplated the situation and resolved to stand by me in the fight on our native soil.

However, tragedy struck before our plans could unfold. Initially, Comrade Nazrul Islam was apprehended by Pakistani forces from the Monirampur area and transported to Jashore cantonment, where he met a grim fate. Following this, Comrade Mashukur Rahman Tojo, along with Comrades Asaduzzaman, Sirajul Islam Shanti, Mohiuddin Ali Akhtar, and Abdul Mateen, along with a significant portion of our party, were compelled to retreat to Dumuria in Khulna, traversing through Monirampur and Keshabpur. In October, calamity befell the Communist movement across the district, prompting the aforementioned comrades to relocate once more from Dumuria. Comrade Aktar chose a different path, crossing the border back to his birthplace in West Bengal's Birbhum district. Meanwhile, the others decided to return to the vicinity of Jessore city. Upon clandestinely settling in a house in Chinetola, Comrade Mateen was tasked with scouting Jashore town and its environs for a suitable location to regroup. However, before any further action could be taken, tragedy struck. Abdul Mateen left on his mission, but before he could return, Comrades Tojo, Shanti, Manik, Asad, and Sirajul Islam fell into the clutches of the Razakars, fanatical agents of Pakistan, who subjected them to unimaginable cruelty, ultimately claiming their lives.

Interviewed by Priyam Paul

Comments

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