When will we democratise the political parties of Bangladesh?
Revolutions spark dramatic changes, but the real test lies in the reform strategies that can steer a country toward justice. With numerous pressing issues, prioritising the right reforms is crucial. Recent upheavals, such as the Arab Spring, illustrate how popular movements can falter and revert to oppressive practices under new regimes. This makes future protests even more challenging, particularly in poorer nations with less experienced protesters.
Revolutions are rare, and missing the opportunity can mean losing it forever. While a revolution can ignite immense hope, without proper reforms, it risks descending into chaos rather than improving people's lives. Marginalised groups, including workers, farmers, and minorities, have historically been promised the benefits of democracy but have rarely seen these promises fulfilled. Time and again, they have been betrayed by politicians who prioritise self-interest, profiteering, and looting of the state. This has often created distrust and anxiety among the general populace, who lack the means to voice their concerns through legitimate institutional mechanisms.
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In Bangladesh, the structure of political parties, characterised by a lack of internal democracy, raises doubts about the long-term success of student-led revolutions. While the student movement has achieved a significant victory, true success remains elusive. Discussing reforms in public institutions like the justice system, law enforcement, and the election commission is insufficient. For lasting justice, peace, and socio-economic well-being, we must prioritise internal democracy within political parties. Internal democracy is a fundamental cornerstone of any democracy, yet Bangladeshi political parties have consistently evaded it, bringing us back to square one repeatedly. For instance, from the fall of the former President Hussain Muhammad Ershad to the fall of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, including the end of the last BNP government, people have been disappointed by autocratic attitudes, governance, and rampant corruption. These parties have often suppressed dissent and alternative voices through intimidation, abductions, and extrajudicial killings, perpetuating a cycle of abuse.
Focusing solely on public institutions while ignoring political party reform risks repeating past mistakes. Without addressing internal party dynamics, the same autocratic and oligarchic behaviours are likely to resurface. Therefore, any reforms initiated by the interim government must prioritise the internal revolutionization of political parties.
The biggest hurdle is the undue influence that a few families exert over their political parties. They hold undemocratic power and monopolise their parties. Sheikh Hasina had total control of her party, with family members and close associates installed in key positions, thereby protecting her dominance, and avoiding criticism. The lack of internal democracy and dialogue has further silenced dissent through state machinery.
To break free, political parties must democratise. They need to be free from dominant family politics, which often function like mafia operations. Leaders should be elected, not selected, and internal election processes must be genuine and observed by an independent body to prevent them from becoming mere box-ticking exercises. An independent body, through constitutional changes, can rigorously scrutinise whether these parties uphold and practice democratic values, providing all members a fair chance to run for leadership at all levels.
Imposing term limits on party leaders and their families is also necessary to prevent entrenched autocracy. For example, the main leader and their family members should only be allowed to run for office twice. Without such limits, the old guards will find excuses to stifle new leaders and maintain their grip on power. The current political vacuum clearly shows that parties have hardly allowed any members to consider running for leadership, let alone pursue the democratisation of their parties.
Furthermore, separating student politics from party politics is essential for genuine reform. Students should have the freedom to engage politically through student union elections, but this involvement should not be swayed by the direct influence of political parties. So far, students have been used by all political parties to pursue their political agendas, rather than being provided with free and fair spaces for dialogue and education.
Decentralising the abuse of power at the local party level is also crucial. Committees in villages and towns, as well as in major cities, should be elected by grassroots members and local public, rather than being handpicked by central leaders who are often disconnected from local issues. This may help reduce the bribery and nepotism rampant within parties and obstruct internal democratisation. Marginalising alternative voices within the parties prevents those who could contribute to greater democratic rights and values from being heard, both within the party and among the public.
All this may sound radical to the existing parties, especially when they are in a hurry for an election, but they must be honest with themselves before convincing the public that the old ways are acceptable. The old politics of violence and revenge are no longer acceptable. Current acts of vandalism against public and private properties, along with communal violence, all indicate why reform is urgently needed as the transition of power to a democratic party hopefully occurs in due course.
Though the interim government and the spirit of the movement face a tough task, they must ensure political parties undergo necessary radical democratic reforms, just like public institutions. Otherwise, history will repeat itself, and the real freedom and well-being of the people will suffer.
At this critical moment, the revolution must serve every citizen, not just a few politicians or oligarchs who seek to govern without accountability or transparency.
Dr Rashedur Chowdhury is professor of business and management at Essex University. He can be reached at rc22489@essex.ac.uk.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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